Innocency and Truth justified, &c.

To all the Lambs, Redremed ours strading on the Mount Sion, having their Fathers name written on their foreheads, ready to be his will and mind, and to follow him whersoever he goes, not loving their lives unto the death, Grace, Mercy, Truth and Perseverance from God the father his multiplyed.

DEare and well beloved brethren, it was the lot and portion of our only Lord and Master Jesus Christ, to be persecuted, reviled, reproached, and counted a Troubler of the World, and one not fit to breath therein: And this even by his owne Countrey men and friends, and if we his servants meet with the same measure, he hath commanded us not to be dismayed or troubled: and the reason is, because the servant is not above the master: And withall, that we might goe on cheerfully in bearing the yoake of our master, he hath ingaged himself to beare part of it with us, and takes all that is done to us for adhearing to him, as done unto himselfe, Acts 9. 4.

And therefore, saith the spirit of God, in all their afflictions, he was afflicted, & the Angel of his presence saved them, Esay 63. 9: Paul, Peter and Iohn, found these sayings of their master true, and had their Portion in afflictions in an extraordinary manner, but yet tasted largely of the faithfulnesse of their masters promise, which was to be with them, in them; which made Paul glory in his tribulations, and to say, that as his afflictions did abound, so much more his consolations; and Pauls portion in these expressions and injoyments, I my selfe have been made partaker of, in my great and pressing tribulations, which I under went in the Bishops dayes, as in this my insuing epistle written in the yeare 1638. to a speciall friend of mine, you may largely understand, and having had a large portion of sorrowes all along both before and since, throughout my Pilgrimage in this present Valle of teares.

And having had my spirit mightily refreshed and carried above the world, and the lash of my bitter adversaries, by calling to mind my by past experience and refreshings, that I have injoyed from that Fountaine of fulnesse, that hath for many yeares together been my sensible injoyed portion: and amongst all the Writings and Declarations of Gods Love and Kindnesse manifested to me in my sorrowes, this following Epistle hath most affected and taken nonspirit with greatest &illegible; which hath made me many times full of longing desires to have it published, for the incouraging of the Saints to incounter with difficulties in the cause and quarrell of their Lord and Master, and not to be afraid of bonds nor imprisonments.

And having lately been extraordinarily pursued with my quondam friend William Prinn, as if nothing but my life and blood would satisfie his turne, I shall not now particularly recite, what hath passed already betwixt us, but refer you to what I have already written, especially my printed reasons, delivered in against him to the Committee of &illegible; in May &illegible; I confesse I take small &illegible; with &illegible; with such a man as William Prinn is, who takes so much elbow roome to tell untruths, without consideration what he saith, as if he had been bread thereunto, and as if there were no God in Heaven to judge righteously or no man left upon earth that had so much honestie in him, as to take notice what he saith, were it not that I were extraordinarily forced by the violence of him, and his partakers, miny of which have but little knowledge, & as little Judgement to judge of things between us; but only because William Prinn saith it, I shall therefore in the first place begin with his booke called, A fresh discovery of prodigient new, wandring blazing Stars, and Fire-brands: And to let passe those bundel of Falshoods contained in the severall Pages of that booke, the bare naming and &illegible; of which, are able to fill a &illegible; &illegible; I shall at present only insist upon a few lines in the 17. Page, and by what you find there, you may judge of all the rest. His words are as followeth.

And not contented herewith, they lately conspired together to exhibit a Petition to the Parliament for present disolving the Assemblle and sending them hence to Countrey Cures (to prevent the setling of any Church Government, to which and they met at the &illegible; &illegible; where &illegible; Coll. Iohn Lilburun (&illegible; Instrument for such a seditions design) &illegible; in the &illegible; and Mr. Hugh Peters suggested the advice which was accordingly inserted in is the Petition, but the Common Counsell man swelling out the designe, when the Petition &illegible; to there hands &illegible; discreetly left out that request as sedition and unjust.

For answer unto which, I desire to &illegible; you that immediately after the losse of &illegible; there were divert persons of severall quallities, Citizens of London, and divert of them of very &illegible; &illegible; met at the &illegible; &illegible; in the Old Jury to confer together, and to consider of something for the good of the City and Kingdome, after so great a &illegible; &illegible; was generally judged to her and after a long debait of many things, the whole company then present, being about 2. or 300. chaseout about 16. persons then present by way of a Committee, to draw up a Petition against the next morning, to be presented to their &illegible; and consideration: and amongst the rest my selfe was fine, but I doe professe for above the third &illegible; of those that were called the committee, I had never converted with them before in thy life, nor &illegible; know their faces, and therefore no wise &illegible; &illegible; judge us such fooles being strangers each to other, as to enter into any conspiracie.

Secondly, That I face in the Chaire, which is most false also, for it was one Mr. Lee a meere stranger to me, and one who to my knowledge I never changed one word with before, in all my life.

Thirdly, he saith &illegible; &illegible; was, for present dissolving the Assembly and sending them home to Countrey cures, which it most untrue; for all that was debaited was, but the proroging of them for a Month or six Weekes, that so they might goe downe into the Association, and use their interest amongst the People for their universall rising to prevent the Kings breaking in amongst them; which was then generally, much feared, and was then looked upon as a designe the which if the King could accomplish) tending to the speedy mine of the Parliament, and the cause they have all this while been a managings and I hope no true lover of the Parliament, will be offended at our good intentions and desires at that time, of so publique distractions for theirs and the Kingdomes preservation; which was the uttermost that to my knowledge was in any mans eye and intention there.

In the fourth place, he saith our conspiracy was to prevent the setling of Church Government, which is a fourth untruth, for that was not any part of our end or meeting, nor to my rememberance any of our debaite.

Fiftly, he saith that Mr. Hugh Peter, suggested the advice, which is a trible untruth for first, he was not there, and to any remembrance, I never saw him there in my life, and therefore, 2. He could not suggest the advice, neither 3. was there at all to my remembrance any such advice, as he speakes of amongst us; for the chiefe advice that was about this businesse, was not from Mr. Peters, but from Major Sallaway of London, one that is reputed a wise and moderate man, and one that will looke well before him, before he leaps, and his advice was given upon this question, being stated amongst us, seeing the King had taken Leicester, which we all looked upon as a great losse, not only to the Kingdome, but especially to the City of London in stopping provisions that used to come out of many Countreys; and seeing, Sir Thomas Fairfax with his Army was at Oxford, and the King in a faire way to take Cambridge, and other places in the Association, the preventing of which wee looked upon to be, of extraordinary consequence to both the Kingdome and City, and therefore &illegible; the question, what in our apprehensions was the best way, to prevent him, and it was agreed upon generally, that speedily to raise the whole Association, was the only present way to prevent him.

And then the second question was, which was the most effectuall way to raise them, and amongst other things, it was conceived by all, that if the Ministers in the Assembly would for a little time rejurne, and the most of them imploy their parts and interests amongst the people, it would be one speciall meanes to effect the thing desireds and Maier &illegible; did then tell us, he thought such a desire would be well pleasing to the Ministers themselves; for saith he, this evening I came from Westminster with a Minister of the Assemblie, (and a notable Presbiterian,) and we had discourse of this very thing, and he to me made it his desire, that if I did come to any meeting where there was any Intention of a publique Petition, that I would use my endeavours, to get the desire of having the Assemblie rejurned for a, little time, that so they might use their utmost endeavours as well as Commanders and Souldiers, to helpe to save the publique, and upon this advice and information, we were swayed to thinke of this.

His eighth or ninth untruth is, that he affirmes we did accordingly insert into our petition, our desire of dissolving the Assembly, which is most false; for it was only that for a short time it might be proroged, as by the Originall of the Petition, yet remaining will be made to appeare.

But in the tenth place saith he, the Common Counsell men smelling out the designe, when the Petition came to their hands, most discreetly left out that request as seditious and unjust; to which I answer, first, the Common Counsell men could smell out no designe about that, for there was no such thing in it as he speakes off and secondly, that which we had put in it about proroging the Assemblie, we our selvs upon debait the next morning blotted out, before ever the Petition was &illegible; and then thirdly, neither what he saith nor what we had once put into the Petition came in it to their hands and therefore fourthly, to give him 13. or 14. untruths to the dozzen in less then 3. &illegible; being he is so constant a trader in them & ingroser of them, they neither did nor could most discreetly leave out that request as seditious and unjust, that never came to their hands, is the Petition in print presented to them will declare and prove.

But if William Prinn say, I have spoken or written in these particular that which is false and so abuse him, I challenge him at the same, or any other place in London, to give me a publique meeting, and let him bring as many of his friends along with him as he pleaseth, and I will to his face by good and lawfull testimony, not only by Independants, but by honest Presbyterians, and good and &illegible; Common wealths men, disprove every particular before mentioned, that he affirmes (not by heare say but positively, as if he had seene and known them all out of his owne knowledge) to be reall truths, and also will make it appeare to his &illegible; in above 40. more Particulars in that booke and a letter, that he is a &illegible; and wilfull falsifyer of the truth, and such an Incendiary against just, honest, and peaceable Common Wealths men, that neither the whole Society of Lawyers, nor the whole Kingdome hath his fellow; and which, if his troublesome spirit continue still in his &illegible; provocations, I shall publiquely in print doe and call it, (in opposition to his late booke called the Lyer confounded) the lying Lawyer confounded.

Surely such uniust, unchristian, and inhumane practises as these are, &illegible; &illegible; stand admiting, that William Prinn who formerly professed to have a conscience, and not only to walks by principles of morallytie, which by nature are engrared in the hearts of the very Heathen, I meane especially to doe as they would be done unto, but likewise by divine principles (which in some measure were demonstrated by his sufferings) that he should be so far degenerated, as to walke and act below the principles of a common Christian, than in my apprehension he commeth short of a civill moralized Heathen, his late bookes being so fraughted with bloody and malitious &illegible; and untruths, as though his greatest designe were to destroy all the generation of the &illegible; that doe but differ from him. I wish he would consider what the Apostle saith Heb. 6. 4. 5. 6. For it is impossible for those that were once enlightned, & have tasted of the heavenly gift, and &illegible; &illegible; partakers of the Holy Ghost, and have tasted of the goodnesse of God and the powers of the world to come, if they shall &illegible; away, to renew them againe unto repentance, seeing they crucifie to themselves the Sonne of God &illegible; and &illegible; him to an open &illegible;

In the second place, I come to examine a few things in his late refutation against me, called the Lyer &illegible; though? confesse for &illegible; owne peace and quietnesse sake, I had intended to have given it no other answer, then what is done in the house of Commons order, that set me at libertie, had not divers of his Abetters so extraordinaryly provoked me by their lies and false reports, as though I had come out of prison by some base wayes or meanes, “and that only upon baile. But that upon I know not what grounds and reasons of Clemency, and Mercy from some persons of great quallitie, in whose power it was and is shall to destroy me: for the head of the plot he mentions in his 27. page. I shall therefore for the present vindication of my reputation, without the desire of picking any new quarrells with any man, mentioned in that his worthlesse and incendiary booke, or without the staining of the reputation of any member of the house of Commons, much lesse of the house it selfe, with whom I hope to injoy a better understanding and a fairer respect, then of late I have done by William Prinns malitious meanes.

I shall begine with what he saith in his second page, That I was a poore obscure Apprentice in London, as though to be Apprentice in London were such a disgracefull thing, as though he that is, or hath been so, must not stand in competition with worthlesse William Prinn: but I was a poore obscure one, and all the reputation I ever gained in the world, was from him, whose servant I was generally reputed to be, and was contented to owne that title for my own emploiment: to which I answer, an Apprentice in London I was indeed, and served divers yeares a master that dealt in Cloth by whole saile, and divers other rich Commodities which was a better trade then ever William Prinn was brought up to in his life and my masters word or bond would be taken for more money upon the Royall Exchange of London, then I am confident William Prinn will ever be worth justly gotten by him, with whom I lived in good repute, & did him more true and faithfull service, then ever William Prinn did the Common Wealth for all his hoasting.

And for my own particular thought, I confesse comparisons are not pleasant, yet being so exceedingly urged unto it, I say, I am the offspring (even in the eyes of the world) of as good, (if not a better & honester) parentage, then W. P. and brought up while I was a youth, as like the sonne of a Gentleman as William Prinn, to bee whose servant in that way he meanes I never was, not never to any man breathing owned, not never counted it an honour to have been so reputed: but alwayes, and to every man living (to my remembrance) that so tooke me I disclamed, yea and with indignation to many, and doe now before God and the World professe, I should have thought the worse of my selfe while I had breathed, if ever I had had any dependance in the least, upon so ungodly and worthlesse a man: though this I say, I accounted is my duty to doe William Prinn and Doctor &illegible; all the free officer of love and service that law in my power, during all the time that I conceived they stood either for God, Goodnesse, or Iustice: And my actions and carriages then towards them were suitable to this principle. Though this &illegible; confesse, God never gave me over to so reprobate a mind, to grow great and get ritches by so unjust deceitfull wayes and meanes, as William Prinn hath done; whose unjust practises (as he is a Lawyer) one of his owne party and an Essex Minister, proclaimed openly upon the Exchange the other day, who said he was a &illegible; and he would prove him so; for said he, he hath taken sees one both sides, and therefore deserves to be turned over the Barr, and never to plead any more, and whose &illegible; will be speedily caractarized in one at Colours by the honest Gentlemen of Gersey, whom he so much wrongeth and &illegible; in the latter end of his booke, and which is already pritie well aid open by Mr. White Minister of &illegible;

And for that of Doctor Bastwicks mentioned by him, in the foresaid second page It is a &illegible; falshood, and for the further answer to which, I refer him to thy answer to Doctor Bastwicks late untrue defence, which by way of Epistle I sent to the Mayor and Corporation of Rye, at my late being in Newgate in September last, where the Doctor with many lyes and vapours, laboured to be chosen &illegible; Burges, and thought his abusing of me there would have done &illegible; businesse for him, but by that Epistle (a Coppy of which William &illegible; I thinke may have for sending for) Helieve I did not a little serve him the back way, For I there (among other things) &illegible; him a bold affirmer of untruths, not in a few things, but in many; thirdly in his 11 page, which I am confident hath well nigh 10 in it, only two or three words in answer to that, which he affirmes in the foresaid page, that if it had not been for him and Bastwick, I had lyin buried in obscurity amongst the rubbish of the &illegible; vulgar, scarce known to any but my selfe; which is very strange, for befored ever saw Prinns fact, I was (as I suppose) a greater traveller, then ever he was in his life: for being borne as &illegible; my Father and mother being both &illegible; and her Father see the greatest part of twice 20. yeares before; that I &illegible; young downe to New Castle by sea, and from thence to my fathers owne hereditory habitation; where beside other education, the best which the Country afforded, I was brought up well neigh 10. yeares together, in the best Schooles in the North, namely, &illegible; Auckland, and New Castle, in both which places, I was not one of the &illegible; Schools Boyes there, and besides my knowledge in the Latins tongue, I was a little entered into the Greeke also. And at New Castle, I did not only know, but also was knowne of the principall men there: and after that came to London, and served divers yeares with a &illegible; that betrusted me, to receive many thousand Pounds, for him of the the greatest Merchants in London that deale for Turkey &illegible; the East countreyes and many times severall dayes in the Worke, &illegible; the Exchange to dispatch my masters businesse, that be betrusted me to doe for him, so that I thinke I was better and farther knowne, before I &illegible; of William &illegible; then himselfe.

I come now to his 4. page, where he cited the Order madvin the house of Commons, January 17. 1644. against me, which authorized the Committee of Examinations to &illegible; me before them, and to examine me about my writing a letter to him at that time, and in the 5. page be saith and affirmes, the Committee May 16. made a Warrant only to &illegible; our before them, though be very, well knowes, that I was attached and a prisoner, and did &illegible; of it to the Committer, (to my rememberance) before his face, that &illegible; very hard in my thoughts that I who had adventured my life, and alwayes declared faithfullnesse to the Parliament, should be clapt by the &illegible; before I was heard: at which one of the Committee then present spain and said, he could not thinke I was a Prisooner: for (saith be) to the Chatre man, it is &illegible; be should be a Prisoner, for our order from the House was only &illegible; him upon which Justice &illegible; acknowledged that it was &illegible; and therefore by Order of the Committee gave me my libertie; and both her and the Committee used me then with &illegible; and respect to William &illegible; great &illegible; you; &illegible; I doe any this for a truth, that after J had been once or twice commanded to withdraw, and being called in at the conclusion of that dayes works, Justice Whitakar spoke unto me to this effect, &illegible; Collonell Lilburn, I am commanded by the Committee here present, to &illegible; you thankes for your Valour, Faithfullnesse, and good service done for the Kingdome, and doe desire you to continue still the same good affection, and doe advise you as a friend, to be moderate and wise, that so you may not loose that good repute that betherto you have deserved from us, and also that you will take heed, that you put nothing in your answer which may doe you hurt, and besure you faile not to being it in according to your promise, and take heed in the interim, you publish nothing, you are a free man, and may goe home and behave your selfe like an hourst man as hetherto you have done, so we paned in my apprehension very good friends, for all William &illegible; mallice.

And that he affirmes a falshood in saying that I was but barely summoned, I desire you to read the Warrant by which I was attached, and then judge, a true copy of which, as I had it from Mr. Rich, so only the Messenger that apprehended me, under his owne hand, thus followeth.

Upon the Tuesday next after this, I remember I delivered my reasons in (wherefore I writ my letter to him) in a whole sheet of paper under my hand, at the receipt of which, the committee told me that they were not at leasure to read them, but if William Prinn never called for a further prosecution, I should never heare more from them about that businesse, and so discharged me.

And afterwards in June I caused it to be printed, he and Bastwick still persisting in their mallice against the people of God, in which besaith, there is many false relations, which tend to make the Parliament &illegible; I say there is not one false relation, but all of them I am able by good testimony to prove; and I desire every unprejudiced man that &illegible; it to be judge betwixt him and me, whether it be full of invictions against the Parliament or no.

In his 6, page, he is very much troubled at my answer to 9. Arguments made by &illegible; which I writ in the Fleet above 6. yeares agoe, in the hight of the Bishops tyrannie, yet because it was mine, though done against the Bishops and their Priests, so long agoe (although the Parliament hath condemned them as Antichristian) I must be troubled for it, by William Prinn so great is his mallice against me, although it was princed before he first troubled me, which was many months before the 18. of June, at which time he was the Instrument (as I conceive &illegible; he let full his former businesse, being so justly paid with my &illegible; that he &illegible; meddle no more with them) to get me the second time upon a new businesse attacht a prisoner againe, though he falsly &illegible; the contrary, the copy of the Warrant by which I was apprehended by the same Messenger here after followeth and had it under his owne hand.

Die Sabbatl. 19, Julii. 1645.

REsolved upon the question, by the Commons assembled in Parliament, that Lieutenant Collonell Lilburn, be forth with taken into custody, by the Serjent at Armes attending this House, and so kept tell the House take further order.

And after they had committed me to the Seriants custody, and he to one of his Deputies, and there kept me in durance as a Prisoner, and at the same time refused to accept of Baile for me, though it were desired by one of my friends by way of &illegible; in the House of Commons, and have never legally from that day to this present houre, &illegible; me know the cause of my commitment or my accuser.

Fourthly, Whether or no J have not true cause to complaine of iniustice, breach of MAGNA CHARTA, and the Petition of Right against Mr. Corbet, and the rest of the Committee of Examinations, who commanded me before them upon the &illegible; of Iuly 1645. and refused to declare unto me the cause wherefore they had imprisonned me, and pressed me to answer to interrogatories concerning my selfe, and for refusing, commanded me backe to prison, although they very well knew, that I was sentenced in the Star-Chamber, upon the very same grounds, and also knew that the House of Commons May 4. 1641. had voted, &illegible; that sentence, and all the proceedings against me in Star-Chamber, was not only illegall, and against the Libertie of the Subiect, but also Bloody, Wicked, Cruill, Barberous, and Tyrannicall, the proceedings that were at that time, for the cleerer satisfaction of the world I shall (as neere as I can) here set downe.

Mr. Corbet being in the Chaire, said unto me, Leiutenant Collonell Lilburn I am commanded by the House to demand this question of you? whether did not you upon the 19. of this present Iuly, (being Saterday) at Westminster say, that there were high and great things discovered concerning divers Members of the House of Commons, which reached as high as to the Speaker, who from his owne hands, had sent Three &illegible; Thousand pound to the King to Oxford? unto which I &illegible; Sir J am a Prisonner committed by the House of Commons, but I know not wherefore. I shall therefore, humbly desire to know the cause of my commitment, and then I shall answer you, unto which he said very angerly. Sir The house is not &illegible; to declare unto you, the cause wherefore they commit you unto which I said, then &illegible; have been a long time mistaken. Sir, saith Mr. Corbet, We expect &illegible; you a possitive answer to the questiõ & cõmand you to give it. Wel Sir, then to it I answer thus. I am a free man, yea, a free borne &illegible; of England, and I have been in the &illegible; with my Sword in my hand, to adventure my life and my blood (against Tyrants) for the preservation of my just freedome, and I doe not know that ever J did an Act in all my life, that disfranchised me of my fredome, and by vertue of my being a free man (I conceive) I have as true a wright to all the priveledges that do belong to a free man as the greatest man in England whatsoever he be, whether Lord or &illegible; and the ground and foundation of my freedome I build upon the grand Charter of England, which is published and expressed in the 9. of &illegible; 3. chap. 29. which I humblie crave leave to read to this honorable Committee, and having obtained leave I read as followeth.

No free man shall be taken or imprisonned, or be diseased of his free hold, or liberties, or free customs, or be out lawed, or excited, or any wise distroyed, nor we will not passe upon him, nor condemne him, but by lawfull Iudgement of his Peers, or by the law of the Land, we will sell to no man, we will not deny, or &illegible; to any man either Iustice or Right.

Sir the priveledges contained herein, are my Birthright and inheritance, which priveledges have been ratified and confirmed to the free people of England by that present Parliament, and many Declarations put out against the King for violating of them.

Yet notwithstanding, since the first of May last, I have by authority from the House of Commons, beene three times imprisonned, before ever I knew my accuser, or mine accusation, or ever suffered to speake one word in mine owne defence, which I humbly conceive, it contrary to MAGNA CHARTA, and these priveledges that I ought to enjoy, by vertue of my having an interest therein, and now J am imprisonned by Vote of the whole House. J know not wherefore, therefore till it be made knowne unto me wherefore I am imprisonned, I shall not answer to any of your interrogatories at all, unto which Master Corbet, as also Mr. Whitaker replyed.

Mr. Lilburn be advised in your expressions, and take heed what &illegible; in this &illegible; Gentlemen, I humblie thanke you for your causion given, me but for your advice I desire you to keepe it to your selves, for (I conceive I know well enough what I say, and truly that rough and hard dealing that I find from the Parliament, and their Officers, &illegible; me to expresse my selfe as I doe, for I &illegible; give me leave to tell you, that I was never so affronted and abused in my life amongst my friends as I was by your Serjant at Armes, when he apprehended me, who &illegible; the going into the Hall, tooke me by my sword bolt, and dragged and &illegible; and shooke me, giving me such language, as if I had been the &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; in the world, and when I was out of the Hall, when I &illegible; (understanding the nature of a Prisooner) of &illegible; my selfe, and &illegible; giving my sword I am the hands of my friend, to carry home to my wife, as my owne proper &illegible; he would needs by force and violence rob me of it, saying it was his and he would have it, so that I was forced to scuffle to preserve my selfe from being robbed of my owne proper goods, and all &illegible; he did unto me, having no Warrant at all about him, &illegible; meddle with me, nor I not offring the least affront in the world to him.

Time was that he used your enemies (to my knowledge) ten times &illegible; for where Captaine Hide drew his sword in Westminster Hall of purpose to make &illegible; &illegible; there, whom I &illegible; it brought both him & his sword up to the House of Commons door, & by command of divers Members, dilivered them both in the Serjant, yet immediately after during the time of a conference, he &illegible; both him and (for ought I then knew) his sword also got to his comings in Westminster Hall, who being no sooner there amongst them, &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; of them to draw, and tell to slashing and cutting, having driven the asked people up the very Parliament staires, with a resolution (for any thing I could perceive) to cut all your throats in the House, for the preventing of which, Sir Richard Wiseman, my selfe and divers other Citizens with our swords in our hands freely adventured our lives.

Here upon Mr. Lile stept up, very soberly, and expressed himselfe to this effect. Mr Corbet I desire to know whether or no Mr. Lilburn intends by way of Petition to declare these expressions of his to the House? or whether he intends hereby some other way, as to cast an aspertion of injustice upon the whole House of Commons, and to shew his refractorinesse to answer to their interrogatories?

Where unto I replyed Sir, for petitioning the House, I have no intention to doe it about this businesse, having petitioned long enough to no purpose already in another case, and as for your other expressions, I humbly conceive my words are plaine and he that reads &illegible; may easily, understand them, and if you can expresse them plainer then they are already written, and reach my sense and meaning, I shall willingly subscribe my hand unto them, or if you please to give me pen, inke, and paper, I shall write my owne words my selfe and my name at the bottome of them, where upon divers of them wished me to take heed what I did, I told them, Gentlemen I speake not the words of &illegible; or inconsideratenesse, but of deliberation, having something pondred upon them before I came to you, neither doe I speake the words of lightnesse, as though I would say a thing this houre, and &illegible; from it the next, but I speake that which I will stand to, and live and dye by, humbly submitting my body to your pleasure, so being commanded to withdraw, I said Gentlemen, I humbly crave leave to make one desire more unto you, which is, that you will be pleased to give me a Copy of your question and mine owne answer, but it was denied and so I with drew.

Fiftly, being the House of Commons as William Prinn in the 7. page of his booke saith, made an order in these words.

Die Sabbati 9. August 1645.

ORdered by the Commons assembled in Parliament, that the consideration for finding out the Author of this booke be referred to the Committe of Examinations, and that in case it appeare to be Lilburnes booke, they shall have power to commit him to what prison they please.

Upon comming before whom, I was pressed to answer to interrogatories &illegible; my selfe, for refusing to answer to which, and although I owned not that printed letter that they called mine, and although I see none that came in against me to prove it mine, yet contrary to the order of the House of Commons (as I conceive) I was committed to Newgate by Iustice Whitaker and the rest of that Committee, now the question is whether or no, I have not just caus to cõplain of injustice, breach of MAGNA CHARTA, and the Petition of Right? but for fuller setisfaction, I shall give as neere an account as I can, what passed betwixt the Committee and my selfe, Iustice Whitaker being that day in the chaire, who at my comming in shewed me a printed booke, with Iohn Lilburnes name in the scene and reare of it saying. Mr Lilburne I am commanded by the House of Commons to demand of you this question, whether you know this Pamphlet or no, unto which I seid, Sir I shall desire to speak a few words unto you, well saith he answer to the question, Sir said I, hope you will permit me to speake mine own words, if you will not I shall be silent, take your libertie saith he, well Sir said I that, J have now been a prisoner three weeke, by Vote of the whole House of Commons, without any crime declared or cause expressed. And the last time that I was before this honorable Committee which was upon the 24 of July last, I made it my earnest desire unto you, that you would be pleased to declare unto me, the ground and cause wherefore I am imprisonned, which you then refused, and denyed me, I am now before you the second time, and doe still continue the same humble suite unto you, which is, that you will be pleased to tell me wherefore J am imprisonned, being resolved, that unlesse you will declare unto me, the cause wherefore I am imprisonned, I will not answer to any question or interogatory that you shall aske me.

Whereupon he wrote, and when he had done, he read it to me, upon which I told him, that he had not written halfe my words, and unlesse that he would write them all and that in the same manner that I did speake them, I would not owne one word of that which he had written, well then, Sir (saith he) dictate your owne words, and Ile write them, which I did, and then he read them, and said doth this reach your mind? I told him yes, and if he pleased to give me a copy of them, I would set my hand to that which he had written, but without I had a copy I would not.

Unto which he replyed that the Committee would take that into consideration, but Sir saith he, I hope you will owne your own words. Well Sir said I, it as very well knowne, I doe not use to &illegible; from what I say, so I was commanded to withdraw, and being without in the outward court of wards a pretty while, I was called in againe, and Mr. Whittaker asked me if I were an Officer in the Army, I told him no I had don with that, having had enough of that businesse already. Well then Mr. Lilburn (saith he,) I have &illegible; the Committee here with your answer you made even now, and they looke upon it as the greatest affront and contempt that can be given to the Authority of the house of Commons, that when the house it selfe shall order, that you shall be examined upon a businesse, & you had contemptuously say, you will answer to an interrogatories, therefore they have thought it good to remove you from your present lodging to Newgate.

Well Sir said I, I humbly thanke you, I am very well content, being as ready to goe as you are to command me, and so I withdrew, and being come out, I told my Landlord Knight (in whose custody I was) what they had done, and therefore desired him to goe in and looke for his discharge, so by and by out comes the Serjant at Armes himselfe and tells me, he had a Warrant that I must goe to Newgate, well Sir said I, I desire to see it, Sir said he, it is not directed to you, but to the Keeper of Newgate, will Sir said I, I know the Committee hath more wisedome in &illegible; to direct a Warrant to me to carry my selfe a Prisoner to Newgate, but Sir I am an Englishman, and Englishmen have some priveledges to stand for if they were not &illegible; and I am committed to your custody &illegible; of the House of Commons, and you have committed me to your man Knight, and before I stir out of his custody to goe to Newgate, I will see a warrant.

For I doe assure you Sir, seeing I am so oppressedly deale withall as I am, I will not abate you, nor the greatest man in England the breadth of one halte, of what I know to be my previledge, well Sir saith her, I have a warrant, I will not believe you unlesse you shew it me, and I doe protect unto you unlesse I see and reade it, I I will not step one foot, except you carrie me by force, but shew it me and I will obey you, Sir saith he, I hope you will not be so obstinate, Sir said I few words betwixt you and me are best, for I can be at surly as you can be for your heart, so at last he shewed it me, whereof a true copy thus followeth.

9. August. 1645.

AT the Committee of the House of Commons, for Examination It is this day ordered that upon sight hereof you receive into your custody the body of Lieu. Coll. &illegible; Lilburn, for refusing to answer to such questions as were propounded unto him by this Committee, by order of the house of Commons, and for the reasons he gave for the same, and him safely to keepe in the prison of Newgate, not permitting him to goe out of the same, without further order of the House of Commons, or this Committee.

And having read his Warrant I said well, now Sir I will obey you, and goe immediatly.

And in the 8. page he recites two severall orders made in the House of Commons as followeth.

Die Lunt 11. August 1645.

ORdered upon the question by the Commons assembled in Parliament, that they doe aprove of what the Committee hath done concerning Lieutenant Collonell Lilburn.

Ordered upon the question, that Lieuten. Coll. Lilburn be tryed at the next Quarter Sessions, to be held for the City of London, concerning the contriving, making, devulging and speeading &illegible; notorious scandalls, set forth in his name in a printed Pamphlet, under the title of a letter to a friend, against the Parliament and severall Members of the Commons House, and the care hereof is especially resetted to Mr. Recorder.

And then at the conclusion of that page he affirmes sollemnly, that that which he hath related is the truth, and the whole truth, and nothing but the truth of his case, and of the Parliaments, and Committees proceedings against him, every tittle whereof will be justified, and made good by a cloud of witnesses, being persons of honour, quallity, piety, fidillitie, by the Parliaments and Committees Iournalls, Lilburnes owne pamphlet and himselfe (if he be not past all shame and grace) dares not gaine say it in any particular.

Unto which I answer, that if either Prinn had any grace or shame in him, hee would not dare to affirme so many palpable untruths, with one breath so confidently and truly (in my opprehension) the Kingdome is in a very ill condition, (in reference to their accounts) to have such a man to be &illegible; man in the grand Committee of Accounts, that takes so much delight, and is so habituated to let his &illegible; and pen run at random, in &illegible; knowne untruths so constantly as he doth, have &illegible; (as I have before truly declared) overred against me, 12. or 14. &illegible; in lesse then 8. lines in one of his bookes, and divers in this, betwixt the beginning and this present 8. pag. as particularly in saying I was only summoned, when the Warrants declares I was taken into custody, which I aver to be imprisonment; and in his 6 page, declaring a third time: that I was ordered to be sent for into custody by the said Committee, where upon the Messenger tooke and detained him in his house but for one nights space, where he used him very courteously, which is a tribell falsehood, for there was never such an attachment of me a third time as he speakes of, neither secondly, did he ever detaine or carrie me to his house, neither doe I know where it is; and therefore thirdly, he could not use me courteously at the place where I never came; 20. more instances not only of mistakes, but possitive affirmed falshoods, J could give, preceeding his solemne attestation, that he hath related the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth of my case, page 8.

And as for all that bitter, false, malitious, and railing language that is contained in his three queries expressed in his 9. page, in which he endeavours to render me worse and more odious, then the &illegible; &illegible; villaine, may not, or enemie, the Parliament hath in England: I shall returne no other reply then this, that hee hath mistaken, and misladed my case, yea, and made false relations in many particulars of my case, and therefore I say, his three queries are built upon a false ground and so are absolutely 3. Nonsequeturs.

He affirmes in the 10. page, it is most certaine, I was not so much as once imprisonned by any authority from the house, therfore (saith he) let him shame the Divell and tell his deluded consederates, when, where, and by what authority he was three times imprisonned?

For your affirmation, I leave the world to Judge, whether it be false or no, especially seeing I have before named every particular day, recited the warrants, & the persons, by whome I was attaiched and imprisonned.

In the second place he saith, whereas he avert he was thrice. Imprisonned before ever he knew his accuser or accusation: he writes expresly in the very next words, page 1, 2, 3. &c. that I (namely William Prinn) was his accuser.

I answer, I do now averit, that I was thrice imprisonned before ever I knew my accuser or accusation; & I further say that for 2 of the times, I do not legally & groundedly know the cause of my imprisonment, nor who was my accuser, nor what was my accusation, neither was legally proceeded against, with any crime at all laid unto my charge, though by vertue of the last of the three commitments, I say about a quarter of a yeare, and doe not to this present houre know justly, the ground wherefore J was committed.

And whereas you are pleased to cite some words in the 1. 2, 3, pages of that Epistle which you call mine, truly I have read all those three pages, and can find no such thing as you speake of: It is true in the 12. and 13. pages, there is something hinted, that after I was imprisonned it did appeare once publiquely, that you were my accuser, and for the second, it was privately reported that you were the informer against me, but for the last time of those two, I never had any accusation face to face by any man in the world, though privately I was told you had informed then, as well before as against me.

In his 11. page, he saith that I complaine I was imprisonned before &illegible; I was suffered to speake one word for my selfe; this saith &illegible; is a more audatious &illegible; then all the rest, for answer to which, I say that I was both the times a prisonner before I came to the Committee, or ever spoke one word for my selfe, and as a prisonner was brought to them; and the third time I was committed by the house, and never did in all my life make any defence against a crime at their barre, nay this I further &illegible; that for the two last commitments. I was never informed of the cause of them, by those that committed &illegible; and do further professe, that I remain yet to this houre ignorant of the cause of them but what I have by uncertaine conjecture: therefore I hope J may without offence, retort his owne words backe upon himselfe, which he unjustly saith to me. Othe falsenesse and boldnesse of this matchlesse lyar, whose whole booke (in a manner) is nothing, but a bundle of deliberated untruths, and most malitious invectives, abuses, and standers.

Then in his 12. page, he to my understanding puts the case, that admit, I had been 3. times imprisonned before ever I knew my accuser, accusation, or ever was heard to speake one word for my selfe, yet saith he, there is no such cause for such an out cry as he makes against the Parliaments proceedings, as Arbitrary and unjust: But truly in my apprehension, to use some of his owne phrases, if ever hee had injoyed the honour of being mine, or any other (understanding) Lawyers or Iustices Clarke, he would not have so confidently averred that for law, which hath not (if I understand the Petition of Right) the least couller of law in it; read I pray what he saith in the 10. 11. pages of that booke, for the confutation of himselfe, where to me with one and the same breath, he contradicts what he averain the 12. page, as though he had forgotten, what but a little before he had said: but the old proverb is, Lyars had need of good memories, especially before good examinators: for in his 20 page he takes upon him, to declare the grounds and reasons that put the Parliament upon the thoughts of making the Petition of Right, which was the imprisonment of divers free mens persons, without shewing cause. the debait of which in the Commons House, Aprill 3. the 4, Car: &illegible; begot these 3. insuing Votes.

1. Resolved upon the question, that no free man ought to be detained, kept in prison, or otherwise restrained by the command of the King, or the Privie Counsell, or any other, unlesse some cause of the Commitment, Detainer, or Restraint be expressed, for which by law he ought to be committed, detained, or restrained.

2. That the Writ of &illegible; Corpus may be delayed, but ought to be granted to every man that is committed or detained in prison, or otherwise restrained, though it be by the command of the King, the Privie Counsell, or any other, he praying the same.

3. That if my free man be committed or detained in prison, or otherwise restrained by the command of the King, and privie Counsell or any other, no cause of such commitment, detainer, or restraint being expressed for which by law he ought to be committed, detained or restrained, and the same to be returned upon a &illegible; Corpus granted for the &illegible; party, then he ought to be delivered or bailed.

These Votes and the Lords concurrence with them (saith he) begat the petition of Right after many dayes debaite, which thus states the subjects grievance in this particular, first irrecites Magna Charta, c. 29. and 18. of Edward 3. that no free man should be taken or imprisonned, without being brought to answer by due processe of law; and then Proceeds thus.

Neverthelesse, against the tenor of the said Statutes, and other the good lawes and Seatures of your Realme to that end provided: divers of your Subjects have of late been imprisonned without any cause shewen, and when for their deliverance they were brought before your justices by your Majesties Rites of Habeas Corpus: there to undergoe and receive as the Court should order, and their Keepers commanded to certifie the causes of their detainer: no cause was certified but that they were detained by your Majesties speciall command, signified by the Lords of your Privie Counsell, and yet were returned backe to severall prisons, without being charged with any thing, to which they might make answer according to the Law where upon they pray in this petition, that no free man in any such manner &illegible; before mentioned, be imprisonned or detained: to which the King subscribed this answer, let right be done as is desired,

And &illegible; he demands a question, what is this to Lilburns case? to which? answer, it is expresly to my case, as I have before iustlie declared, and dare reason out the case with him in point of law (though I was never at any Universitie or Inner of Court to study it) before any understanding Common Wealths men in England, though he say and assume, that I was not committed to Prison by the Committee without any cause expressed, which is the most notorious untruth in the world.

For first by the order made the 14, May 1645 it cleerly appeares, that the Messenger was commanded to apprehend me, and bring me in safe custody, which he did accordingly, and if I understand what imprisonment it I being thus taken into safe custody, in the eye and meaning of the law is imprisonment: and I am sure J was saine to presse for my libertie to the Committee, before I could be delivered from my bonds.

Secondly, If you please to cast your eye upon the fore mentioned Warrant made the 18, June 1645, you shall cleerely see it commands the Messenger to apprehend me, and being me in safe custody, which he accordingly did, and though I confesse, he used me civilly like a man, yet I very well remember that be stood &illegible; upon his &illegible; that though he would not by force (as Serjent Hunt afterward did) endeavour to take away my sword from me, yet he intreated me to lay it aside, and to appeare before the Committee like a Prisonner without my Sword, and the reason he gave me was, least I be children (saith he) if you do it not, yea, and J further &illegible; it, that though I waited upon them according to their command, and the Messengers that attached me, I had much &illegible; to be discharged from the Messengers custody upon my owne ingagement, that as I was a Souldier and a Gentleman, I would appeare before them, when they should command me, which was at such an &illegible; upon the next Monday after noon (as I remember) but in regard that the House sate that afternoon about the Kings Letters taken at Nesby, by meanes of which the Committee sate not, I having extraordinary businesse with Lieutenant Generall Cromwell about my owne particular, who then I heard wat in Warwickshire, I used Coll. Walton, and Mr. Holland as instruments to get me leave for a few dayes of Mr. Corbet, upon my owne ingagement to goe downe to the Army, and by these meanes and my owne earnest intreary, I did get leave, and whether this was not a reall imprisonment or no, in the eye and intent of the law, I desire every man that hath any insight therein to be judge betwixt us, and yet I never was heard speake for my selfe before the Messenger tooke me into safe custody, neither was there in his warrant any cause of my restraint expressed.

Jn the third place. I desire you to read the Vote of the House of Commons before mentioned, and daited the 19, of July 1645, which expresly commands me to be taken into safe custody, and so kept tell the House take further order, and the Serjent at Armes himselfe in as violent and base a way laid hands of me, that might be, and apprehended me; J am confident as ever he did the grandest offender that ever the Parliament committed to his custody, and that night committed me a prisonner to his man Knight, who kept me as a prisonner in his owne house, till the 24. of Iuly after, at which time then by a new order (which seemes to me to bee something in the nature of a Habeas Corpus) commanded me to the bar of the Committee of Examinations, who refused to declare to me the cause of my imprisonment though I humblie and earnestly desired but remanded me without any legall tryall backe to the prison from whence J came, and there I remained a prisonner, till by a new order or Habeas Corpus I was upon the 9. of August commanded againe to the Committee of Examinations bar, which Committee then againe refused to declare unto me the cause of my imprisonment, though I earnestly desired it, and would have examined me upon interrogatories against my selfe, for refusing to answer to which, they remanded me againe to prison &illegible; only removed me from the Messengers house to New gate, where J remained in the nature of a close prisonner, till the 14 of October, only this I confesse there is in the Warrant which turned me over thither a cause expressed, wherefore I was sent thether, which was, because refused to answer to such questions as was propounded unto me by the Committee, which warrant and commitment (though made by a Committee of the House of Commons) is as illegall as all the rest, and (in my apprehension) against the very tenor and the true intent and meaning of the Petition of Right, and expresly against the words of the Statute of the &illegible; of Edward 3. 3. which saith, it is inacted that no man be put to answer, without presentment before Iustices, or &illegible; of Record, or by doe processe and writ originally, according to the old law of the land, which Statute is ratified and confirmed by this present Parliament in the act that abollisheth the Star-chamber.

I now returne backe to his 12. page, where he a ecuseth me of lying and falshood for saying that during my imprisonment at Oxford, I was cuinated in my estate, to the value of 6. or 7. hundred pounds, which I left behind me at London, which &illegible; can cleerly make appeare.

To which J answer, I doe affirme such a thing in two printed papers namely my printed petition to the House of Commons, and my printed reasons against himselfe, and that this affirmation is true and not alye. I prove and make appeare &illegible; my Brew-house with the utensills, and other necessaries belonging to it, cost me about 300. l. as good gold and silver as ever William Prinn was owner of, and when I first went our in the Parliaments &illegible; as a Captaine in my Lord Brotkes his Regiment, I let it and the use of the utensills, to one &illegible; a Beewer for 55. l. per annum, with covenants that saving the reasonable allowance of the &illegible; of the utensills, he should deliver it backe to me or my assignes as good as he sound it, but during the time of my imprisonment at Oxford, he let the house run to decry, and gave over brewing in it and run away I doe not know whether, (nor never could see him since) with almost a whole yeares &illegible; and when I came from Oxford I found my house cut of use, and in one place much decayed, part of the roofe being false in, so that the raine both there and in severall other places had done the vessells much hurt, so that I was forced and necessitated, to sell the Lease of the house, and all things belonging to it for 120. l. to Mr. Wright the Armorer in Bishops gate street, and also gave him dayes of payment for it, besides when I went &illegible; I left behind me the greatest part of 1000. l. in debts, that were made in that brew-house, some hundreds of which, he that I betrusted with my businesse received for me, and had received a great deale more, had not my debtors taken advantage of my &illegible; at Oxford, which made some of them tell him to his &illegible; that the King had caused me to be arraigned at Oxford for a Traytor, and they would pay no traytors debts, in so much that when he &illegible; them, some of them, were ready to fall upon him and heare out his braines, as he told me.

Besides, the most of those that J traded with, depended upon the traid of New Castle, which in my imprisonment was lost, and (in a manner) totally decayed, which was the ruine, and the breaking of them; so that when J came home, I sound about 4. or 500. l. of my debts become altogether desperate, which debts, I am able yet by my bookes of accounts, and servants legally to prove. Yet shall I be willing to sell them to William Prinn for 10. Groaes in the pound, and thanke him too, now hee being one of the great accountants of the Kingdome, if he please to joine all these together, he may easily find, they make up the sum I speake of &illegible; and if he please to get the Lords and Commons to repaire this my losse, (as by their Declarations published to the Kingdome, at the beginning of these Warres they promised they would) I doe hereby bind my selfe, that if I cannot by just and lawfull proofe, make good what in my printed petition concerning this particular I have said, I will quite scores with them, both in this my arreares, and all other things whatsoever, that I have any legall and just ground to challenge and expect from them: and I thinke all men that reads this, will say I offer faire, and will not in the least beleive any of his false, untrue, and &illegible; affirmations that there be impudently layes downe.

I come now to his 15. page, where he takes occasion to speake of the Lord of Manchester and &illegible; Castle, and seeing he hath so done, I shall as truly as my memory will inable me, declare the truth of that businesse, which as I gave &illegible; under my hand by way of testimony to Mr. Lile Chaire-man for the Committee last winter that examined the accusation of Lieu. Gen. Cromwell against the Earle of Manchester, which was to this effect, the day before the Lord Manchester quartered at Donkester, at our randevour of the other side of the towne next Yorke, I received orders from Lieu. Gen. Cromwell, (from whom constantly J did receive my orders) to goe & quarter with 4. of my Troops of Dragoones in &illegible; town, and to doe the best we could, with our owne securitie, to keepe the enemie in, that they should not salley out, to doe any mischiefe, in any of the quarters of the Army: and accordingly J marched with foure of my troops, and at the next towne to it, we got the best guides we could, to informe us how the Castle and towne lay, and when we came to the townes end, I ordered Captaine Beamont, with a party on horse backe, to careare into the towne, and get betwixt their draw bridge and the towne, to stop those that were in the towne, from getting into the Castle and sent to second him a party of &illegible; a foot, commanded by my Lieutenant and afterwards followed them with all therest; by meanes of which wee tooke divers borses and prisonners, and that night we all past upon the guard, and the next day being informed, that the mill dame, and the more, might easily be drawed, if we could &illegible; our selves of the Mill which &illegible; closse by their more as soone as it grew darke, myselfe led downe a guard of &illegible; and possessed the mill, and fell to a worke, to let out the mill dam, which was accordingly done, which when I had set in a good forwardnesse, I left Captain Bramones Lieutenant to command that guard, who I knew to be a carefull man, and walked the rounds to visit all the other guards my selfe, and being the next morning informed by some of the Souldiers that the enemies Centinells, called over the wall to mine, and wished they would speake to their commander to fall on, and they professed, they would not shoot a bullet against them, for their Commanders used them basly, and kept their pay from them: upon which information, I inquired of my Landlord who I understood used to goe into the Castle, what store of &illegible; he conceived they had in the Castle? & be told &illegible; he did beleive 4, barrells was the most they had, and with all told me, be was confident, they would upon easie tearmes surrender the Castle, for the gentlemen within (said he) were no Souldiers, nor no great fighters but were altogether given to their pleasures, and about &illegible; a clocke that day or the next, Coll. Keeys, and a Captaine of the Lord Fairefaxes, came and desired me, to grant them libertie, to call to some of the Gentlemen over the wall, which I granted: and they accordingly did, upon which by consent, we on both sides ceased shooting, and they talked very freely each to other, upon which the Gentlemen in the Castle, desired me to come into them; and be merrie with them, &illegible; &illegible; or two, and they would ingage their honours, I should safely and peaceably come out at my desire, unto which I answered, I durst not, having no such Commission from my generall so to doe, then they intreated me to give them leave to come out to me, to be merrie at the Ale-house a little, and they would take my owne ingagement for their safe returne, upon which discourse I presently conceived these Gentlemen had no mind to fight, but were rather desirous, upon reasonable tearmes to be rid of the castle.

The thoughts of which made me to returne them this answer, that at present, I could not satisfie their desire, but I promised them, I would indeavour to doe it with all the speed I could, and therefore desired they would command their men to their guards, as I intended presently to command mine, which I did, and with all speed I could, not me horse, and red away to Donkester, as fall as I could ride to acquaint my Generall with it, who at my comming &illegible; her, was walking our at the townes end next London, with whom I found Lieuten. Generall Cromwell, and the most of his cheife Commanders, and after I had acquainted him particularly with the aforesaid things, I told his Lordship that I conceived, if he would summon the Castle, it was his his owne, which he seemed to slight; I further told him, there was here abouts a great many petty gareisons, which did a great deale of mischiefe to the Countrey, and his honour did not know, but the gaining of this, might be the gaining of many of the other, well saith he, it cannot be done: upon which I continued my importunitie, and did beseech his Lordship to summon it, which made him and others by him to laugh at me, and saith he, you thinke it is nothing but to summon a Castle and take it, if I should summon it, saith he, my Army is ingaged thereby, and (saith he) I am informed it is a &illegible; strong place, and probably may foile my Army by meanes of which I should loose the maidenhead of them, who were never foiled since I commanded them, and be sides (saith he) I will not loose ten men for the gayning of it in regard I doe not Iudge it worth such losse.

Unto which I replyed, my Lord, J will make you one proposition, give mee leave to summon it, and if upon a summons, I doe not carrie it, I will give your Lordship leave to hang me; my Lord I doe not desire, a commission under hand and seal, noe an expresse possitive command, for then if I should not succeed, I confesse your honour were ingaged, indeed, but that which I intreat of your honour, is only to permit me, and to winke at me, and if I should not effect that which I doe confidently beleive I shall, your Lordship in my apprehension is free, in point of honour, and may &illegible; your hands of it as none of your act, but may say it was the act of a rash man, who was resolved inconsiderately to hazard his life, for the doeing of it, but my Lord, as I said before, if I may be permitted to summon it, I will die for it, if upon a summons I doe not carrie it, unto which he said &illegible; gone, thou art a mad fellow, which I tooke for a grant, but yet for all that turned me abour to one of the ablest and understanding it Commanders in the Armie, (as I judged him) and asked his advice, what he thought of it, whether or no all circumstances considered, that had passed betwixt the Earle and my selfe, I might not justifiably, in the eye of a Counsell of warr without any mere adoe Iummon it? and he conceived I might doe it, this I the rather propounded because it behooved me to goe upon a sure ground, in regard I knew that &illegible; my Lords Chaplines Mr. Ash, and Mr. Good, did sit upon my &illegible; for opposing Coll. King, their dearly beloved, and I also knew, that Major Generall Crafford, and his whole faction (which than in that Armie were very great and high) did the same, for my friends of discourse, about that proud unwarrentable, and bloody action of his, in flomming Torke manner as he did, which cost (foolishly) some hundreds of mens lives, for which act I had freely said, he deserved to die, and therefore I was verie confident, if all they put together could doe me a mischeife, being then in that Armie, (for nothing but my justnesse and honestie) as great an eye sore to some of them, as I am to them to this very day, but upon the foresaid grounds I &illegible; with speed, againe to my quarters, and writ them a summons (high enough) for the present delivering of the Castle, &c. Into the hands of my generall for the use of the Parliament, which I sent in by my Drum, and the Governour, very fairely and &illegible; a willing man to yeild, the very next morning after I had been with the Earle, sent me out Articles of surrender, and a Leiuten. Coll. and Major (as I remember) with them to see them made good, and never so much as desired of me, any &illegible; them, upon which they and I rid away to Dewkester, where I found the Earle on Horse-backe, a going to take the hire, and I comming to him told his honour, had summoned &illegible; Castle, and brought his Lordship Articles of surrender, and two Commanders to see there performed on their part, but without any more adoe, in the presence of the companie (which were many) and the presence, and hearing of the Cavaileers, his Lordship fell a calling of me Rogue, Rascall, and base fellow, and asked me whether he or I was Generall, and told me, the Armie was to much troubled with such busie Rogues &illegible; I was, and he would send me same enough from it, and also told me, I deserved to be hanged, and would nor suffer me to speake one word in my owne defence, but turned away from me in a greater fury then ever I see him in, in my dayes; his carriage being a cleere Demonstration to me, that be in a manner scorned to accept of the Castle, because I had taken it. Which carriage, did so vex and perplex my very soule, as I was never more I thinke in my dayes, and so cooled my courage in fighting, that I could never from that day to this present houre, deaw my sword, nor ingage my life in the way of a Souldier, with that freenesse, &illegible; and cheerfullnesse, as formerlle I had done: But by the Lieutenant Generalls meanes, I got my Lord to appoint Commissioners to treat with theirs, for ordering all things for the surrender of the Castle, which was accordingly done, with all the Armes, Ammunition, Horses and Provision in it, saving about 10. or 12. Horses that was allowed the chiefe Officers, with saddles, Pistolls, and Port. mantles, and for my part, though I had extraordinarily hazarded my life, in the gaining of it, and had taken a great deale of paines, yet his honour never gave me, the value of one penny for my labour, though he got by taking the Castle, (which he disposed of) above threescore horse as I remember, and though I faithfully, and honestly, saved the things in the House, and delivered them according to his order July 28. 1644 (to Mr. Goulson Treasurer his man) and sert them to &illegible; where they were boated I know not whether, 30 quarters 4. bushels of Wheat, 38. quarters 7. bushells of Rye, 6. quarters 6. bushels of Pease, 162. Cheeses, 9. Flitches and 39. Peices of Bacon; 9. Farkins, 7. Kits, and 19. pots of Butter, 94. peices of beefe, with some bread, and truly considering our paines, wee might have expected, from my Lords owne hands, a Gratitude: but none we had, saving that we made a little money of some Hay, Coales, and other Turnbring odd things, which I caused honestly, to be distributed amongst my Regiment, to the Officers according to their qualitie, two daies pay: and to the common Souldiers 2. &illegible; 6. d. a man, and for my particular, Mr. Wever gave me a young gray horse, which was but a small incouragement, seeing. I had fought all that summer, and had not received one dayes pay, and had beene shot through my arme, but a little before, at the taking in Sir Francis Wortlys house, and not long before had beene plundered by Col. Kings meanes at Newarke, of all that I had there, to the value of about a 100. l. who contrary to the Articles of agreement, commanded me, & in a manner forced me, to march away with his Regiment armed, which caused their horse to fall upon us, and plunder us almost every man, but as for Col. King himselfe, he fled the danger, and had a care of himselfe: and scaped better then we did, and besides, during all the times we were in &illegible; I and my Regiment of Dragoones, constantly quartered in the Van of the whole Armie; alwayes nigh the Enemies Garrisons, where constantly in a manner, we both sought for both horse next and mans meat, or else with a &illegible; &illegible; of vigilancy, stood upon our guard, also our Souldiers being so poore for want &illegible; pay, that many times my selfe and other of my Officers, were severall times forced to send them money to shoe their horses, and I am confident to this day, have falut short of the payment of it againe, and yet I dare say, I kept the Regiment in as good order, as ever it was from the day it was raised, and passed as readilye and cheerfully upon their duty: And I dare be bold to aver it, I and they passed upon as hard and difficult services, and were in as many ingagements, hazards and perills, for that time, the last summer, as ever any Regiment of Dragoones in England, raised by this Parliament, of the like number was.

And for all William Prinns abusing of me, I for my part, bid defence to him, and all the men in England, justly to brand me with cowardlinesse, in all the ingagements that in these wars J have had, or with unfaithfullnesse, or of base coveteousnesse, indeceiving either the State, my Officers or Souldiers, either in point of one false Muster, or unjustly detaining 6 d. of any of their pay from them, or that ever in all the marches and quarters that I have been in since the waes began, that ever I was privie too, or ever did my selfe; or caused to be plundered, or by any unjust violence, caused to be taken away for my use or profit, directly or indirectly, the value of 12. d. in any kind of goods whatsoever, for I blesse God, I can say with Paul, that I have not unjustly taken or coveted, any mans goods, Gold or Silver.

But one word more of my Lord and tickhill Castle, I was told in the Armie, his Lordship afterward, did verse much threaten me about that businesse, and also by a man of eminency, I was since told, that when his Lordship came to London, at a meeting at the Beare at bridgefoot, before two Lords, and five eminent men of the House of Commons, his honour spoke both very great, high, and disgracefull words of me, about that very businesse, and therefore for the full satisfaction of all the World, J doe here declare, I am ready, willing, and desirous, to bide the publique test, and tryall of any just and legall judicature in England, either with the Earle of Manchester, William Prinn, or any other man in the whole Kingdome.

In the foresaid page, William Prinn boasts, that having (as he saith) thus charged through, and &illegible; his maine Squadron of lyes and scandals against the Parliaments and Committees proceedings, I shall in the third place, a little examine and resure, his mistaken law, his misinterpretation of Magna Charta, and the Petition of Right, which had verie ill fortune, to fall into the hands of such a lawlesse Ignoramous.

I answer (and say) alasse poore Prinn, who would saine be accounted a skilfull and couragious Commander, and hath not yet attained to the skill or courage, of the meanest common Souldier, for instead of rouring my maine Squadron, hee doth not so much as gallantly, and like a man of pure mettle, incounter with my Scouts or Forlorne hope, much lesse either like a man of valour, charge and &illegible; my maine Squadron, for in slead of fighting with me and my case, he fights with his owne shadow, and with a fiction of his owne braine, in &illegible; my case, falsifying the truth, my Actions and Sayings, and so wilfully misapplying his wrested law, so that I aver and affirme it, he hath not so much as given my maine squadron (as he calls it) one faire charge; either with sword or pistoll, but like a faint hearted and unskillfull Souldier hath only peeped in my face, and frisked by my right Flanke, and then by the left, and by a swift running horse, hath goe a little into my reare, thinking thereby to nibble at my heele like the old Serpent spoken of in Geneses 3. but alasse it will not doe, and therefore I retort backe his owne words upon himselfe and say, he had need (more then a little) to examine and resure his owne mistaken law, his misinterpretation of Magna Charta, and the Petition of Right, which had very ill fortune, to fall into the hands of such a lawlesse Ignoramous; therefore this I say to him, I both dare and am able, J for all his vapours which I esteeme no more then God did Adams fig leaves, with which he would have covered his nakednesse) to meet him, and a whole Squadron of such heady and light men, face to face, upon equall tearms, upon any ground in England, to justifie and maintaine my present cause against him, whether it be Religion, or the publique liberty of the free people of England, the equall tearmes I desire, it no more but this, that I may have as free libertie to speake, write and peint as himselfe, and I will set my hand to what ever I doe, and seale it with my blood.

I come now to his 22. and 23. page, where he goes about to justifie, that my commitment upon the 19. July 1645. was legall, although I never was heard to speake my selfe, and although, I neither knew my accuser, not accusation, and although, there was no cause expressed in the warrant of my commitment, surely William Prinn writes so fast in his 22. and 23. pages, and without consideration what he said before in his 20. and 21. page, that without doubt hee either thinkes or dreames, that it will never be read over by any man that hath braines in his head, or honestie in his heart, to declare his contradictions, and his confuring of himselfe, by that he writes before, of that which followeth after, but his reason wherefore it is legall, is because that as (he saith,) I had that day publikly reported to Jndependent Hawkins, & others at Westminster, divers groundlesse, seandalous, and malitious reports, amounting to no lesse then high Treason, concerning Mr. Speaker and other Members of the House of Commons, in a libellous, illegall, scandalous, seditious way, of purpose to defame and stitreup the people against them and the whole House of Commons, whose destruction by force and violence, he of his confederates had then beene plotting, and since pursued in sundry private meetings.

To which I answer that his whole accusation, as he hath laid it downe, is a most malitious falshood and untruth.

For first, he saith, I had publiquely reported, to Independant Hawkins, &c. J desire to know the men that heard me when I so did, for surely to this very day, I could never see any man that would in the least aver any such thing to my face, as he speakes of.

Besides (secondly) if J had by way of relation, spoken either to Mr. Hawkins, or any man else, any such thing, I could easily and groundedly, procure my Authors, namely, Mr. Pristy, Mr. Rawson, and Mr. Worly, who had that day, as the least 8. or 10. houres, before I was committed, given in information, to a Committee consisting of foure Members of the House of Commons, under their hands, of some such thing as he speakes of, in whose information, I neither had hand, nor finger, and I professe (before the searcher of all mens hearts) I neither knew what they were about, nor what they intended, till a Marchant of London told me, they were gone into the Committe, about some such businesse, and therefore it could not in the least be any designe betwixt them and me, to whose intentions I was not in the least privie, therefore I would saine have Prinn satisfactorily answer me this question, what was the reason that the three Citizens forenamed, that gave the information in under their hands, should goe scot free, and I that was not privie to their designe, nor never acted publiquely in it, should be clapt by the heeles.

Againe, if Prinn be privie to a designe (acted and contrived by me, and my confederates) by force to destroy the House of Commons, as to my understanding be cleerly avers, I say it, and will maintaine it to his face, he is a Traytor, that he doth not make it legally appeare, and that be and the world may know, that I crave neither mercy nor favour at his hands; I bid defiance to him, and all the men in the world, in that particular, and as for all that abusive language that her gives me, in that and the next page, I tell him in his owne words (that if he had beene a grand I &illegible; he would never have said, what there he saith, not &illegible; such mistaken law as there he doth, therefore againe in his owne words (altering but a few) J say unto him, that if poore William had but law enough, to quallifie him, to be the meanest Iustice of peace, his Clarke, or some Recorders, or Clarks of the Assizes, his Clarkes clarke, be might have known, that by the law of the land, no man ought to be committed to prison, upon a bare suggestion of wicked and malicious men, or by their report, taken from the second or third hand, not to bee sent to prison, with a warrant expressing no cause of his restraint.

Againe, whereas in the same page he would compare my case to a Traytors, I say, there is as great a disproportion betwixt them two cases, as there is betwixt William Prinn, and an honest man, in my judgement and I seriously professe, I judge it to be as great, as possible may be, and therefore, for my part, let all the Iudges in the world whatsoever they be, examine me upon interrogatories concerning my selfe in a criminall cause, I iudge it to be against the Law of God, the law of nature (which will have no man to betray himselfe) the law of the Heathen Romans, and the knowne law of this land, recorded in the 28. and 19. chapters of Magna Charta, & the petition of Right, & therefore by the strength of God, for all William Prinns false and unjust law, I am resolved to dye all the deaths in the world, rather then to betray my just and native libertie in this particular. I come now to his 26. and 17. page, wherein he brings me as a man safely arrived in New-gate, and before I insist upon his grand charge against me. I shall crave leave to give you a narrative of my affaires, after I came thether, which thus followeth.

Immediatly after I came to New-gate, divers of my friends and well &illegible; to the publique, went about the framing of a petition, (without my desire,) to the House of Commons, on my behalfe, which I doe beleeve not a little vexed Prinn, Bastwicke, Col. King, and others of my adversaries, (which as I have just cause to conceive,) made them with the assistance of their base and rascally agents, Williams, and &illegible; &c. goe about to make an uproare in the Citie, by framing, posting, and dispersing scandalous paper libells, concerning my selfe, thereby to make me odious, and destroy me, seeing they knew not handsomely how to come off, their unworthy dealing with me, about my imprisonment, which originally rise from their mallice, but having notice of these libellous papers, I presently writ a letter subscribed.

To the Right honourable the Lord Mayor of the honourable Citie of London, these humbly present.

MAy it please your honour to give me leave to present you with a few lines even now by some of my friends in the Citie, I understand, that there is a strange and dangerous paper presented to your Lordship, and other Magistrates of this honorable Citie, as though there would be some rising of many thousands in London, about my selfe, concerning which false & scandalous paper, I iudge it my &illegible; &illegible; assure you; I have no hand nor finger in, neither am I privie, to the framing, writing or divulging of it, neither doe I beleeve, is any friend of mine, or any friend of the Common Wealths, and I doe further assure your honour, I shall rather chuse to &illegible; and dye in prison, then to take any such uniust way for my deliverance. My humble suit unto your honour therefore is, that you will be pleased to acquaint the rest of your brethren herewith, and take in it such a course, as shall seeme best to you, which will be an extraordinary obligation unto him, that is your Lordships and this Cities faithfull servant,

And then within a few dayes after this, (namely the 26; of August 1645.) was presented the forementioned petition, which was subscribed with about two or three thousand hands, divers of them Citizens of good qualitie in London, the Copie of which thus followeth.

THat whereas the above named Lieu Col John Lilburn, hath before this Parliament, with true zeale to God, and affection to his Countrey, ventured his life and estate, in opposing the tyrannicall proceedings of the Bishops, and Star-Chamber, whereby he became, (as God was pleased to order it) a speciall instrument, of their downfall, and for as much as the said Lieu. Col. Lilburn, hath with like zeale, and affection, since the Parliament, neglected all private affaires for your defence, and his countreys service, in the faithfull performance where of, he hath suffered, verie much in his person and estate.

Your Petitioners doe therefore humbly, intreat this honorable house, in respect of the former faithfull services, and hard sufferings, of the said Leiu. Col. Lilburn and for the &illegible; of us your humble supplicants, and other his friends, your faithfull servants abroad, and to prevent the rejoycing triumph and advantage of our common enemies.

That you will be pleased; to order his suddane removall from the infamous prison of Newgate, and to take a review, of the occasion of his restraint, and in your debating thereof, that you will be pleased to make the most favourable construction of the same, and if it may stand with your wisedomes, to give him his speedy inlargement, that you will be pleased to give reliefe to those pressures that remaine upon him, by ordering unto him a competent part of his &illegible; for the support of his wife and familie.

Upon the knowledge of which petition, the house proceeded as followeth.

At the debate of which there was not a little opposition by some, who (as I conceive) thought I was not capable of enjoying justice, although to my knowledge I never doe an act in all my life that put me out of the protection of the law, or that tended to the diffranchizing me of being a &illegible; and Freeman of England, and therefore ought to enjoy as great a priviledge in the enjoyment of the benefit of the Law of England, as any &illegible; Denizon of England whatsoever, by what name or title soever he be called, the issue of which debate, so much as I have under the clarks band, thus followeth.

The last of which orders seem to me to be a bug-bear and scare-crow, to fright me from following my petition any further, and gives me some hint who it was that was so hot against me, but for my part I fear the person, nor face, or no man breathing, for Honestly say I, is the best policy, and uprightnesse begets boldnesse, but it is strange to me what Mr. Sam. &illegible; can report of me, seeing to my knowledge) I never speake two words into him in my life, not he to me, but the busines is about Mr. &illegible; from whom I crave neither mercy not favour, for what I said concerning him in the house, I Judg it my duty to do and if it were to do again tomorrow upon the &illegible; grounds I would do it, either against him, or the dearest friend I have upon &illegible; and what can Mr. &illegible; say to me, more then he can to Mr. &illegible; &illegible; who was as deep in the information as myself, and what can he say to either of us, seeing we produced the party to the House that told it us, who for any thing, I know to the contrary, avers it to this day for a truth, although he was imprisoned for it.

But secondly, I much wonder the House, after I have had so much hard and unjust usage from divers of its members, should turn me over to William Prinn, at the Committee of accounts, who I say, hath neither Justice nor honesty in him, and who is my deadly and implacable enemy, as they well knew, and who hath most falsly, maliciously and inverately endeavoured to take away my life from me, by Ivingly and unjustly in his last book accusing me of high Treason: truly when I first heard I was turned over to him, this came into my mind, that it had been a little too grolle in the eies of the world, for my adversaries to have again themselves committed me to prison, but me thoughts I heard some of them say, however we will be even with him, for we will send him to W. P. who will doe the best he can to commit him, if there he should refuse the oath of accounts, or if he cannot get him upon that hugge, he will one way or other vexe him as bad as an imprisonment.

Well, but for all this, to the Committee of accounts I went (and shewed them my orders) where I found William Prinn in the Chaire, and I confesse the Marchants that were of the Committee, used me very civilly, and I laboured to demean my self towards them with respect, but for my antagonist, I found that from him, which before I went I looked for, and after some discourse, he tendred unto me an oath, which was to this effect, that I should swear what was due unto me, and what I had received, and what free quarter I had had what Horses and Armes from the State, which oath I refused to take, it being very strange so me considering my case, who in my fore-mentioned petition complain of Col. King to the House, that he not onely keeps my pay from me, that he received for me, but also refuseth to give me a note under his hand, for what was my due under him, and therefore there pray, he may be commanded to do me justice and right; although he hath for a long time refused to do either, and besides (as I told them) I could not upon my oath give them a just account what I had received of Col. King, seeing I lost my papers, &illegible; all my Horses and cloths at &illegible; and was stript naked, and forced in that condition (without either boots or shooes) to march on foot over hedge and dirch (to save my life) about 8. or 10. miles, and never &illegible; that day (to my remembrance) received any pay of him. But saith W. P. if you lost your papers, why might not be lose his, for he was plundered as well as you? To which I answer, He that kept his accounts did not use to goe and fight as I did, and besides, Colonell King though you say he was plundered, yet I avert it &illegible; was not plundered and stript, for he came home in the &illegible; he wore, but I was forced to come without mine: And besides, I was in an Army where there was a Councell of Warre established, and a Committee by Ordinance of Parliament dated January &illegible; 1643. And another dated 10. October, 1644. appointed to look after all such things as by oath was required of me, to give an account of, to whom for my pore J conceive I was to be accountable for any miscarriages, (if any had been) in that Army, and if they be not able to make any just complaint against me, I ought not to be forced by oath to purge my self before a Committee that was not then in being, and for my particular, I &illegible; I would have burnt or &illegible; my Constitution before I would have accepted of it upon the &illegible; demanded of one by this path, and in that very Ordinance it is ordained, that the Earle of Manchesters certificate to two of the Committee, and the Commissary Generall, shall be sufficient authority to them to subscribe our warrants, which shall be sufficient to demand our moneys, for our pay, and for my part I require but the benefit of this Ordinance, which was the declared condition upon which I went on with my imployment there, and this is that I beg, which hitherto hath been denied me, which I conceive is not just.

Again, I shall freely declare the maine reason, which makes me that in point of honesty, in being true to my liberty and freedome (which J call my birthright) I cannot submit to that oath, is this, I conceived all lawes and ordinances in such cases as this is, ought to be universall, to bind all, and not so restrictive as the additionall ordinance of accounts is, which ordinance dated Iune 16. 1645. hath this proviso or exemption (of Peeres, Assistant, or Officer of the House of Peeres, or Member, or Officer of the House of Commons) for my part, I iudge myself as free a man (though otherwise I defate not to make any comparisons) as any of them, and I conceive, I ought not to be in bondage to that Law or Ordinance, that they themselves will not stoop unto, and that which confirmes my judgement herein is, their owne words in their booke of Declarations, fol. 694. where answering the Kings charge laid upon them in point of slavery (they say) for therein we must needs be as much patients as Agents, and must every one in our owne turne suffer our selves, whatsoever we should impose upon others, as in nothing we have laid upon others, we have ever refused to doe, be suffer our selves, and that in a high proportion.

But lest some men might think I had received great store of monies, and not disposed them according to the ends I received them for, and therefore avoid this oath, to keep in my hands what I have I answer, all the while I was with Col. King, the Souldiers were frequently mustred, and most constantly not one passed the muster, unlesse he were upon the place, although he were seek in the same Towne where they were paid, and though I often gave my receit for the money to Colonell Kings servant Thomas Howett, who paid the money, yet most commonly my Lieutenant received the money, and disposed (I dare say) faithfully and iustly, and if either he or I should have defranded any of them but of six pence, we should have been sure to have heard of it to our shame, and for my owne pay, so much of it as I received, it was from his man (Thomas Howett) who alwaies had my &illegible; my hand for it: And from before Newark businesse, till we marched in Banbury, I never received a penny for my selfe, either of him, or my Lord Manchester, which then was but six weekes halfe pay, and because my souldiers were promised six weekes pay, as the rest of the Army had, and had but three weekes pay sent them, which set them all in a mutiny at Northampton, in the appeasing of which, J had almost lost my life amongst them, and was necessitated at &illegible; (to get them to match) to pay the common souldier all my own pay, and all my Officers, and to ingage my credit to them for their money, which wee received at &illegible; And after this, there was at severall times paid to my Selfe and Officers, seven weekes pay: as I remember, so that there never came any quantitie of money into my hand; and as I said before, we had a Committee and a Counsell of Warr to oversoe us, that we did justice, and if the least cattle could have beene found against men (of all the men in the Armie) I was sure to have heard of it. And as for Horses and &illegible; I never had to &illegible; remembrance from the State for my selfe, either Horse, Saddle &illegible; Pistoll, but what I won with my Sword, and for my Regiment, I and the rest of my Officers, recruited it over and over both with Horse and Armes, with our industry and resolution, without 6. d. charge to the State, and as for free quarter, I never had any all the while I was with Col. King and after I commanded my Dragoones, I and they for the most part &illegible; the bread of leopardy and hazard, being constantly quartered in the desparatest place in the Armie, &illegible; &illegible; as &illegible; be to the enemies Garrisons, which were many in Yorkeshire, where we many times fought both for horse meat and mans meat, and for my part, I thinke this was free prize to us, being not at that time within the possibilitie of Contribution to the Parliament, but J doe confesse some free quarter I had in the Parliaments quarters, but it was not much, as I can clearly demonstrate when time comes I shall receive my money, and I should upon that condition I might have into supply my necessities, allow a great for every penny worth of free quarter I have really had, although I have three severall times beene pillaged to a good value, and although I have &illegible; a good while for my pay, and although I have spent within lesse then this twelve months, above 300. l. in seeking for it, which in my apprehension is very hard, considering that &illegible; as divers of the Committee of &illegible; affirme in their printed Articles against him, that he received of them and their countrey about 10000. † to pay his Officers and Souldiers, yea, and I say divers of them told me he had divers thousands of pounds from them while we were at Newarke for that end: and yet be never had the honesty to let me have one farthing of it, and also received provisions of the Countrey, gratis, (as by divers I was truly informed) and made most constantly both Officers and Souldiers to buy it.

And my Lord of Manchesters provision of money by Ordinance, to pay his Armie was very large, and the Countreys made us beleeve they made very good payment, and yet if all the rest were like my particular, we received but a very small proportion of it, which makes me wonder what &illegible; &illegible; of the rest; surely it is either in those mens pockets that hath no right to it, or else it is sunke into the ground, foe by the Ordinance of the 22. Ianuary 1643. and others, the allowance is 8449. l. a weeke, besides the &illegible; of the five and twentieth part, and also the third part of the Sequestrations, which were worth not a little, and for my part I doe seriously protest, J spent a great deale of my owne money, besides the pay I received in my Lord of Manchesters service, and therefore doe iustly expect the performance of the Covenants and Contracts, made with me by Ordinance of Parliament, having faithfully performed my part, and this is but first (in my iudgement) both by the law of nature, the law of nations, and the law of God, which saith Levit. 19. 13, Thou shall not defraud thy Neighbour, neither rob him. The wages of him that is hired, shall not abide with thee all night, untill the morning. And &illegible; &illegible; 14, 15. Thou shall not oppresse in hired servant that is poore and needy, whether he be of thy bee then, or of thy strongers &illegible; are in thy land, within thy &illegible; At this day their shall give him his hire, neither shall the &illegible; goe downe upon it, for he is poore, and setteth his heart upon it, least he cry against thee unto the Lord, and it be sin unto thee, and in the &illegible; of Jer. 13. God pronounceth a woe against all such men, as detaine and keepe backe, the hirelings, and the servants wages, the words are these. Woe unto him that buildeth his house by unrighteousnesse, and his Chambers by wrong, that useth his neighbours service without wages, and giveth him not for his worke. Yea and God threateneth to iudge such men at thus practice, &illegible; 3. 5. And I will come neete to you to iudgement, and J will be a swift witnesse against the &illegible; and against the Adulterers, and against false Swearers, and against those that oppresse the Hiteling in his wages, the Widdow, and the Fatherlesse, and that turne aside the Stranger from his right, and feare &illegible; me saith the Lord of Hosts.

But you will say the State wants money, and therefore cannot pay you. To which I answer of have before declared that the Parliament by their owne Ordinances did provide a sufficient proportion for us, which the Countrey saith, they made pretty good payment of, and seeing it was provided for us, and we received it not, wee ought to know what is become of it, and for my part I am resolved before I will loose &illegible; I will doe the best I can to know what is become of it, though I bee &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; a body for my points.

But it &illegible; &illegible; that much of it was laid out by the Parliaments after appointment see other uses then to the payment of that Armie for which it was raised, to which I answer, that in iustice it ought to be repaid &illegible; againe, and truly I doe conceive &illegible; &illegible; there were a Just strict and severe course taken with all Sequestrators, Collectors, Receivers and Treasurers, that have cozoned the state of their mony in their &illegible; offices, there would be mony enough (I verily beleeve) found to defray all charges, for there is a greater reason (in my Judgment) that he should &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; hundreds and thousands from the State (yea and other hazard the &illegible; it &illegible; of supply, and breeds &illegible; burning &c. which in time may break out into very great mischiefes) then &illegible; steales 5. s. or 6. &illegible; or more, and it may be doth it for pure necessitie, having it may be lost all he hath by the enemie and hath also his &illegible; &illegible; from him, and hath not at present a bit of bread to put into his mouth, nor knowes not where to get any.

And I have &illegible; &illegible; of a Committee &illegible; it London that received betwixt two and three thousand pounds for sequestred goods, and never &illegible; for pence of &illegible; for the &illegible; and yet when they come to give up their accompts, they are not &illegible; to the State, but the State is in their debt for their partner and &illegible; the same Committee hath &illegible; &illegible; 40 and 50000l. in land, in a Countrey of &illegible; and &illegible; London, and yet there is not (as I am &illegible; &illegible;) &illegible; I. brought to accompe; so that laying these things together with it. Parliaments &illegible; &illegible; in &illegible; of their Declarations, I cannot thinke that saith bee &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; the price of my blood) &illegible; first &illegible; in &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; of &illegible; they &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; them, that every &illegible; &illegible; good service &illegible; &illegible; to be done &illegible; Commander or Souldier serving or to &illegible; therein, &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; answer the greatnesse of this Kingdome &illegible; the &illegible; of &illegible; &illegible; the &illegible; him, of &illegible; made the &illegible; they intended alike to all &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible;

And secondly, in page &illegible; they declare, that whatsoever money, Plate, &c. is brought in, shall not at all be imployed upon any other occasion then to the purpose they pretend to raise it for, and therefore the moneys levled upon the Association which was appointed to pay the Earle of Manchesters Armie, ought to be imployed for that end and no other.

Thirdly, Their words in folio 498. being then in great straites ares and we doe require all those that have any sence of piety, honour, or compassion, to helpe a distressed state, and to comein to our ayde and assistance, words sufficient to have set the heart of every man a fire, that hath any sparkes of gallantry in his breast, and therefore not easily to be forgotten by those that made them, if there be any sparkes of honesty in their hearts.

In the last place, the Parliament orders that the Vote formerly passed in this house concerning the proceedings against Lieu. Col. Lilburne in the Star-Chamber be forthwith transmitted to the Lords, and likewise ordered that my sine should be taken of, which single Order I got transmitted up to the Lords, and in a few dayes it there passed into an Ordinance in these words.

But although this order of the 10. Novemb. 1645. for the transmission of my whole case up to the Lords, I cannot get it done by all the interest I have, although contrary to the tenour of Magna Charta (which saith iustice and right we will deny to none, we will deface to none) I have waited almost this 5. yeares, for that very end, to my extraordinary charge, and expences, although I had these Votes and Orders following, almost 5. yeares agoe.

To Our Reverend, Learned and Religious Brethren, the Prolocutour and the rest of the Assembly of Divines, now sitting in holy Conspiracy at King &illegible; the Seventh’s Chappell, at Westminster, &illegible; by fowl to the Two Houses of Parliament; These present.

REverend and Beloved BRETHREN, (for so I have Authority from your own secred President.) I cannot but take notice of your &illegible; vigilancy, and &illegible; endesvor: after this endlesse worke of Uniformity; that rather then you will loose the vantage of an opportunity, out of your &illegible; Providence, you can even create Opportunity it self, and then like the Godly, able, Orthodox of the Land indeed, most Prudently, in all Presbyterian Pitty, lay hold on the advantage, to consuming your endeavoured Uniformity: for after your so many spirituall, mysticall Conspiracies, the miraculous result of your must Seraphicke late Consultations for its present settlement, both &illegible; my Piety into an holy Admiration, that now I confesse your Policy high surpass’d my Sanctity; for upon the first of January, where the Injunctions &illegible; Generall Assembly in Scotland came into your grave and Learned Assembly against Toleration of Independency in this Kingdom & that read in your Reverend Audience, you had so ordered Superior. &illegible; that even in then very instant of time, (fast as if it had been &illegible;) this Most juditious argumentative Letter of the London Ministers, (from that Syon-Colledge-conspiracy,) should present it self; whereas the Learned Mr. Hinderson, forthwith in a Scotch Rapture, cryed out of the great Providence of GOD, saying, Doubtlesse no other but God was the Father of Two such Blessed Twins! that at one instant of time, so many godly, Learned and Orthodox of the 2. Kingdoms, should so happily concurre and meet with their desires, and advice for this generall Uniformity: Indeed is war a Providence neatly and plausibly &illegible; and doubtlesse would have done the deed, but that there is one thing that spoiles all, The Lord &illegible; the Tokens of Lyars, and maketh Diviners and,Jsai. 44. 25. &illegible; wise men backwards, and maketh their knowledge foolishnesse: But bire’s not all: The Assembly’s Anathama against Toleration, at that instant of time, it given into the HOUSE. O, there’s a Divine Providence indeed! Sure, our Syon Colledge is even Presbyterializ’d into the &illegible; Mobile, or else that supercelestiall Assembly at Westminster is REFORMD into the Emperiall Heaven, that &illegible; &illegible; Providence it self is thus in their dispose; an exaltation even into the Throne of God: Where are our Presbyters &illegible; They even are set as girls in the Temple of God, shewing themselves that they are gods indeed, by the working of Sathan, with all power, and &illegible; and lying wonders: Providence after Providence, &c. to deceive: All which I have &illegible; discovered, and in all Dedicatory humility represent unto your venerable &illegible; those my Observations upon this Letter; that happily you may take notice therein of a &illegible; Providence of God indeed, that such Godly, Learned, Orthodox Divines, &illegible; the Ministers of the City of London, should be so &illegible; in their wisedome, that their reasons against Toleration should inevitably conclude Toleration, condemne themselves, and their Presbytry, which I have endeavoured to evidence to the whole world, and leave it to the publike Tryall, either to stand or to fall by such their Reasoning, and against this &illegible; proffer, to have our &illegible; tryed by their own touch-stone, the Presbyters themselves cannot except: If I &illegible; then let me &illegible; your Churches &illegible; which themselves are pleased to put upon it, a Coat of divers Colours, pag. 1. Thus then for the prizse.

Endnotes

 [* ] See Prynt Fresh Discovery. pag. 17. Contents of the 4. Sect.

The Prologue to all the Commons of England.

VVOrthy Freemen of England, the former publique Magistrates of this Kingdom, by their Machivilian empoysoned principles, and specious pretentes of common good, whereas nothing lesse was intended, have most cunningly and frandently cozened you of your native freedoms, to which by the fundamentall lawes and constitutions of the Kingdom, yee were born unto, & secretly by wicked patents have stolne away your Birth-right, to set up the particular and self interests of private societies: One of which I here present to your serious consideration, as a great grievance and burthen under which the honest Clothier especially, and thousands of poore people groane: yee know for what this Kingdom hath almost been wasted to asbes, yee have spent so much of your estates and blood, viz. the subjects liberty, to which all civil government is subservient. My advice to all is this, especially that clothiers and others, who are deeply interessed, that as they love their blooding dying Country, their deliverance from so great a thraldome, they would by patitioning, and all lawfull &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; with the Parliament, for the removall of this and all other pressures. They are bound in duty to God, in justice to you, in discharg all of so great a trust committed into their hands, to ease you of all unjust grievances, intolerable burthens, be therefore active in the work. For very importunities sake, your indeavours will be crowned with a happy successes and (if you &illegible; &illegible;) &illegible; the &illegible; of your &illegible; which shall &illegible; be the desire of &illegible; who is willing to &illegible; you.

WHosoever survayes this hand in her radiant and shining luster with community and freedom, cannot but say, a &illegible;! oh how great a change I for indeed, this Kingdom is a corporation or society of men under one form of civil government, made by common consene in Parliament, who are all bound by the law, to maintain common freedom, and the generall good of each other.

But particulars, Patent societies swelling with a Iuciserian spirit, in desiring to advance into a higher room then their fellows, did by setuptitlous Patents incorporate themselves, exclusively became destructive to the whole body, and subverters of the true ancient priviledges of the people, and of all societies, those of Marchants are the worst, having no foundation on the lawes; The fellowship and charter of those that stile themselves Marchants of East-land, is a monopoly of this kind, according to the true genuine sence of the word monopoly, relating to a private company, who ascribe unto themselves the sole exercise and benefit of such a trade, wherein every subject hath equall freedome with them, all which this monopoly doth, and is illegal, being contrary to magna Charta, the petition of right, Statutes of monopolies, with divers others, and in particular these 3. following: 1. is of the 14. of Edw. 3. 2. Jrem, Where it is contained in the great Charter, that all Marchants shall have safe and sure conduct to go out of the Realm of England, and to come, and abide, and go through the Realme of England of well by water as by land: we at the request of the Prelates, Earles, Barons, and Commons, will and grant for us, and for our heirs and successors, that all Marchants, Denizens, and Foraigners (except those which be of our enmity) may without let, safely come into the said Realme of England, with their goods and Marchandize, and safely tarry and safely return, paying the customs, subsidies, and other profits reasonably thereof due, so alwaies, that franchise and free customes reasonably, granted by us and our ancestors to the City of London, and other cities and good Towers of our Realm of England, be to them saved. The 2. is of &illegible; Ed. 3. 3. That the ordinance made before this time upon taking of sorts of wools in every County, be wholy nulled and defeated, and that every man, as well stranger as privy from henceforth may buy wool, according as they may agree with the seller, as they were wont to do, before the said ordinances, and that the sea be open to all manner of marchants, to passe with their marchandize where it &illegible; please them. By both these statutes it evidently appeareth, that every Englishman may transport his commodity without molestation, to what port beyond sea he pleaseth, and make sale for his best advantage, every Englishman being a native denizen and privyman of this kingdom, according to the true meaning of the law for it is imaginable to me, that the law should provide better for aliens, then her own children, the 3. is of 12. H. 7. 4. viz. as followeth To the discreet Commons in this present Parl. sheweth unto your discreet wisdoms, the Marchant Adventurers inhabiting and dwelling in divers ports of this Realm out of the City of London, that where they have their passage, resort, course and recourse with their goods, wares, and marchandize in divers &illegible; and parts beyond the sea, aswel into Spain, Portugal, Britan, Ireland, Normandy, France, &illegible; Venice, &illegible; Eastland, Freezeland, and other divers and many places, regions and countries being in league and &illegible; with the King our soveraign Lord, there to buy and sell, and make their exchanges with the said goods, wares, and marchandizes, according to the law and custom used in every of the said regions and places, and there every person freely to use himself to his most advantage, without exaction, fine, imposition, or contribution to be had or taken of them, to, for, or by any English person or persons. &c. By which Statute, all marchants, aswell those inhabiting in divers parts of the Kingdome, as of the City of London, as also every free born subject, is acknowledged as his right to have freedom to trade to the said parts mentioned and to divers other regions and countries without subjection of any patent or paying any exaction, fine, &c. for in that the &illegible; saith, every person freely to use himself to his most advantage, without exaction, &c. to be had or taken of them, or any of them, to, for, or by any English person, or persons, it clearly holds &illegible; that the marchant, and consequently every man that useth comerce in these parts, ought not to come under the obedience of any oppressing corporation whatsoever: now Donst and the East-land being expressed in the slainte, which are the principall parts to which these East land marchants are priviledged by their monopoly, and indeed the crown and glory of the rest for venting our native commodities, as also the other included, when the &illegible; saith and other divers and many places, regient, and countries, I hope every honest man willbe willing with heart and hand to endevour the recovery of our birthright which the law so evidently makes our owne from these unjust oppressors.

2. Contrary to the light of nature, which teacheth men to walk by congruity and equality, not to oppresse, because they would not be oppressed, not to take away any mans right, because they would not have another use the same, measure to them. Which principles of nature are engraven upon the nature of heathens, who certainly will rise up in judgement one day against these men that sell us for slaves in our own land.

3. It is irrationall, reason being the fountain of all honest laws, gives to every man propriety and liberty: propriety of interest, freedom of enjoyment and improovement to his own advantage, from that propriety take away freedom, & a considerable part is gone nay we see it by expenence, that those who have berest us of our liberty, have made hold with our propriety, and indeed if prerogative may take away the one, why not the other from the same principles? so that it appears to be rationall, that every native who hath propriety of goods, wares, and marchandize, hath freedom to transport them to any part beyond Seat, and there convert them, to his own profit, it being his true and proper inheritance so to do, it is very strange to my understanding, that one man should do the work, and another man receive the wages I mean, that the honest clothier who has toyled much in the making of his cloth shall not have the benefit to sell it here for his own gain to ship it for more profit, but being debarred of freedom in both, must make sale to them, in whose power it into give him what price they please, whereby he is cheated of the fruit of his labour.

4. That the monopoly is against the honour of the Nation, because by it the people are put in a condition of vassalage in their own country, it takes away industry the spring of wealth, the hearts of the people being brought to servility and not able by reason of this, and other the like patents to imploy themselves, cannot chuse but procure sad effects if not timely prevented, for.

5. The patent was illegally procured by the solicitation of evil Counsellors, under the broad seal of England, in the 25 year of the raigne of Queen Elizabeth, it being of no longer standing under spectous pretences, as the profit of her then Majesty, the good of the Kingdom, &c. whereas by it the natives have his weakned and spoiled, which will easily appear, if we consider these particulars.

1. By reason of this Patent, thousands of poor people are in a condition of beggery, who otherwise might maintain themselves in honest callings, by the making of cloath, and other woollen manufactures, by carding, spinning, wearing, &c. and certainly this one thing throughly considered, should stirre up the bowels of every truly noble spirited Englishman, to double his strength, if it were possible, as hundred sold, in all just wayes, for the removall of so great an obstraction.

2. The poor Clothier suppressed, none being to made to these parts but the company, the clothier makes not half the cloathes he might: and for those he doth make they being of a confederacy, and having all the priviledge of buying in their own hands, by reason whereof, many times he is forced to sell them at a far less price then they cost him in making, or else to keep them till the next year, which discourages and slackens the clothier in the prosecution of his calling, and causeth some to fail, others to give over, and those which remain, many of them scarce can make a living.

3. This Monopoly greatly impareth the trade of cloth, those who are judicious affirm that 5000 cloths more then are, would be made, shipped, and expended yearly in those parts to which they are authorised to trade to, which I verify beleeve & prove thus, all the cloth they ship, some extraordinary times excepted, it but to 1. or 2. Towns, and there residing their Factors, who making sale to the Burger, he sendeth the cloth up and down the Country, from whence ariseth many mischiefs the Countries not being furnished as they should: as also the selling at such excessive rates, causeth the Datch to make cloth in an aboundant manner, & to be satisfied with it, though it be exceeding course and again, there being divers Kingdoms, Dominions, Dukedomes Countries, Cities, and Towns, to which by their patent they are licenced, what advantage would the young marchant have, having so vast a compasse, how active would he be from Town to Town, from City to City, from one Country to another, and selling cheap, would invite forraigne parties to set a true estimate upon our native commodities, and certainly were trade free, Sweedland, and Powerland, would vent much cloth, whereas the company is not able to satisfie the Eastland it self, by reason of the smalnesse of their stock, it may be easily conceived, that such a small Company of private men, are never able to suffice such famous Kingdoms and Dukedomes to which they onely are licenced to traffick.

6. It causeth a great decay of Navigation, which sustaineth the mariners, so that by this and other the like patents, the Saylorie greatly greatly supprest.

7. It obstructeth returnes, divers of the most stable commodities which our Country stands in, need of, are imported by them, viz. flax, hemr, pot-ashes, pitch, tarre, course linnen packing, canvas with divers other very considerable marchandize, now they bring over when they please, and what they please, and sell at what price they please, which cannot but have sundry evil concomitance. 1. Our Country is not satisfyed with that variety and conveniency it should: and 2. By reason the Citizen gives such an unreasonable rate to the marchant, the poor have all excessive dear, giving many times half as much more then the comodity is worth, or then it would be sold for were the trade but open, from which and such other dealings it in, that the people are unconscionably wasted, and weakned, and therefore what ere it cost us, lets have this ravenous patent down, whereby there would be all these gallant effects: multitudes of poor maintained the clothier raised, the trade of cloth greatly augmented by reason that thousands might be vented more, then are the number of merchants increased, the art of navigation furthered and lastly, an universal benefit to the whole nation, from the plenty of marchandize imported which we should have at far easier and more valuable considerations. Ob. But if trade be free, the Alien will expect freedom also. As I see no ground but aliens paying custom, provided alwaies that wee enjoy as full and large priviledges with them, they ought to have the like here with us but secondly suppose the State should prohibit strangers, yet there is no shadow or colour of right reason, that we who have equall liberties in the lawes have ventured our estates and lives so freely, to preserve them, should be deprived of our inheritance, and therefore for further satisfaction, I shall here insert part of their charter, that every one may judg whether it be just or no: Forasmuch as we be credibly informed &c. that you our Subjects marchants, and others, exercising and using the &illegible; and seat of marchandize, one and from any our Dominions through the sound into the Realmes, Kingdoms, Dominions, Dukedomes, Countries, Cities and Towns, of Norway, Swethia, Poland, and the territories of the same Kingdoms, as also into &illegible; and Liestand, under the dominion of the King of Pole, Prussia, and also Powerland, from the river of Odera Eastward, and also Ry and Revill in Liestand King Kingsbrough, Elbinge, Brownsbrough, and Dansick in Brusia, Copenhaven and Elsenore in Dansk: except the Nerve, and the territories thereof belonging at also into the sland of Finland, Goteland, Eweland, and Barutholme, within the Sound aforesaid, by one consent are willing to gather, congregate, and assemble your selves into one fellowship, and to be one body incorporate and politique, indeed, and in name; wee considering that your purposes in this behalf are very lausable, do therefore not onely approve and ratifie the same, but will you to persevere in your good minds and purposes, to the establishment and perfection thereof, and earnestly desiring that our marchants and their successors haunting the said Kingdomes, Dominions, Countries, Cities and Townes, before mentioned or any of them, for merchandize, in and through the Sound of the Kingdome of Denmark (except before excepted) may from henceforth profit and increase as prosperously as any marchants of this Land have aforetime increased and profited, & do grant for us, our heires and success us that from hence forth there be and shall be of the said Fellowship, one Governour, and one Deputy, or Deputies, and foure and twenty assistants of the land fellowship; and that they, or the major part of them, may make Statutes, Lawes, and ordinances: and that the aforesaid Governour, or Deputie, or Deputies, and their successors, or the major part of them, as is aforesaid then present, as often as need shall be; the said Statutes, Laws, and ordinances, shall and may execute and put unexecution aswell within our Realme of England, as within the said Realmes, Dominions, Cities, and Countries, and every of them: and for that divers persons, our subjects, being not brought up in marchandize through their ignorance and lack of knowledge, commit many inconventency, we willing to resist and prevent them, and intending to further the expert marchant in their lawfull and honest trade: will, and by our Regall Authority we Command, and also prohibite and forbid by these presents, that no subject of us, our heirs, or successors, which is not, nor shall bee by force of these presents made free of the said Felloship shall by any maner of meanes at any time hereafter inter meddle in the trade of Marchandize; or by any meanes buy and sell, or use any traffique into the said parts of Eastland, and Countries aforesaid, or any of them, (except before excepted,) upon pain to incur our indignation: as also to pay such fines, and amencements, and to suffer imprisonment, and such other paines due to the Transgresson of the said statutes, ordinances, and constitutions of the said Fellowship, or to the said Governour or his Deputy and assistance aforesaid, shall seeme meere and conveniene, any Law, Statute, Custome, or Ordinance, to the contrary thereof, many other things notwithstanding &c.

And do further by these presents inhibit and forbid, all and every our subjects, and the subjects of us our heires and successors, not being licenced and authorized by vertue of these presents, to traffique in and to the said Countries, Kingdoms, Towns and places before recited, or use any manner of trade in and to them, contrary to the tenor of these presents upon pain to incurre the displeasure of us, our heires and successors, and to be fined, payned, and imprisoned, according to the severall discretions and laws of the officers of the said former severall Companies and their successors, witnesse our self at Westminster, the 17. of August, in the 11. year of our Raigne.

I no sooner made a surveyal of this cruel engine, what intollerable breaches & inrodes it hath continually made upon us, but was call into a sudden admiration, that so free 2 people as England, should suffer themselves so violently to be ground to power, which I shall illustrate to be treasonable in the practisers of it by these position: 1. If to survender a Castle by the Captain of that Castle through fear and cowardize, and not from any compliance with the enemy be treason, as was adjudged in the Parliament 1. Rich. 2. then is this a treasonable patent, for besides the place, there is onely a losse of the adjacent parts, but by this patent our lawes, liberties, nay our very lives, in pursuance of both the former, are subjected to will and tyranny, he that walks in the exercise of freedom, according to law, it subject to their counter commands, and to be fined, payned, and imprisoned and to suffer such other punishments as to them shall seem meet and convenient.

If to kill a judg upon the bench be treason, because of malice, not to the person, but to the law, then is this a treasonable patent, here is not onely a malice to the law, but a most butcherly weapon killing and destroying of it, these 2. cannot dwell together, for the life of the patent, so far as it extends, is the death of the law, which stops its free course for the benefit of the people, and makes it meerly a dead letter, a carkas without a soul, a power being given to Mr. Governour and his companions, to make laws, statutes, and ordinances which power is more and far greater then belongs to the chief magistrate to give, or can legally or justly be exercised by any but the Parliament, and therefore not to be received by any person or persons whatsoever, and certainly those laws, and all that government derived from Queen Elizabeths broad seal commission are according to the lusts of these men, being extrajuditiall, in that they are above the sphære of the law. 2. Contrary to the law, if the endeavouring the subversion of the ancient fundamentall lawes and government of this Kingdom, and to introduce an arbitrary and tyrannical government be treason, as was adjudged in the case of the Earle of Strafford, and in the case of Sir Robert Berkeley, by the first article of impeachment by the House of Commons, July 6. 1641, then is this a treasonable patent, for here is not onely an indevour, but an actuall surrender of both law and government, which have made England a free people, and what more ancient or fundamental, then those laws which gratify the Commons; and by which they injoy their very lives, here is an arbitrary government introduced, & put into the hands of those whom the subject doth not own to have any right of power and rule, and that in so high a nature as can be no lesse then monarchicall, for what can a monarchicall power be, but to make lawes, and to punish the transgressors according to those lawes, by coefiscation of goods, imprisonment, or taking away the life of the vassals, all which they may doe by their patent, and certainly this company of Marchants of East-land, who have practized arbitrarily for so long a time as they have done, against the liberties of the natives deserve for all their cruelties to be proceeded against as publique delinquents to the State.

As touching their oath, it is one of the worst (I am confident) that ever was made, which I shall here insert for every mans knowledge. You shall swear to be good and true to our Soveraign Lord the Kings Majesty, and to his Heir is and Successors, you shall be obedient and assistant to Mr. Governour, his Deputy, and Deputies, and assistants of marchants of East land, all statutes and ordinances which bee, or shall be made by the said Governour, or by his deputies, and assistants standing inforce, you shall truly hold and keep, having no singular regard to your self, in hurt or prejudice of the common-weal of the said fellowship, you shall heal, and not bewray, and if you shall know any manner of person or persons which intend any burk, harm, or prejudice to our said Soveraign Lord the Kings Majesty, or unto his land, or to the foresaid fellowship or priviledges of the same you shall give knowledge there of, and do it so be known to the said Governour or his deputy, and you shall not colour or free any Forraigners goods not free of the said fellowship, all which you shall hold and keep to the uttermost of your power, or else being justly condemned for making default in any of the premises, you shall truly from time to time, being orderly demanded, content and pay to the treasiner of this Company for the time being, all and every such mulcts and penalties which have beene or shall be limitted and set for the transgressors of the same. So God you help.

Lieutenant Col. Lilburn in his late book called Innocency and Truth justified, being an answer to Mr. Frivs look, called the lyar confounded, hath these passages, pag. 53. And in the the second place, seeing they know, viz. the merchant adventurers that the Petition of Right doth condemn the King and his Privie Counsell for making and administring of oaths, not made by common consent in Parliament, and seeing the Parliament as they very well know, was lately so angry at the Bishops, and their convocation, for &illegible; to themselves the boldnes to make in oath, although they were invested with a more colourable authority to justifie them therein, then these can pretend, how exemplary ought the punishment of these men to be for their impudence and boldnes, after the knowledge of all this, to force and presse upon the freemen of England, an oath of their own framing and making, and to keep their freedoms from them, because out of Conscience they dare not take them, which at this present day is the condition of one Mr. Johnson late servant to Mr. Whitlock one of the East Country Monopolizing Merchants, which is all one in nature with the Monopoly of Merchant Adventurers: And not onely do they most unjustly iustly keep my freedom from me, for which I have so often ventured my life in the Northern service this present warres, and to which I was born by the law, although I have served 7. years according to the Custome of the City of London, but most inhumanely have taken from me my place of Factorship in the Eastland, and all because I have rejected their monopoly and Diabolicall oath, and this was the gallant service of Mr. Burnel Governour and his associates, the 3. Octob. 1645. but I expect to see Justice (that banished exile return in all her glory, and these oppressing task-masters called to a just account: for certain I am, that the law never gave them authority to make an oath, or to force it upon my conscience; besides the oath containe to many perjucies, in the second branch it ties the swearer to be assistant to Mr. Governour and his confederates in all their dishonest proceedings. In the third branch, to keep all their pernicious laws and Ordinances; which Lawes and Ordinances are to deprive the subject of his right, and this will not satisfie, but to all that are to be made, O intollerable burthen! whither will this bottomlesse pit go? here is &c. &c. &c. and in memorable company of &c. In the fourth branch, to keepe all their cozening secrets and underhand dealings in the pursuance of their patent. And in the fifth branch, for making default in any of the premises, that is, for forswearing himself, which he doth that keeps it, aswell as he that keeps it not because be swears not in truth, in judgment, and in righteousnes, to pay such mulcts and penalties which have been or shall be limitted and set for the transgressors of the same, as if such great crimes could be washed away with a pennance: for my part I am clear in this point, that whosoever he bee that bends & yeelds obedience to this or the like oath, deserves not the name of an englishman surely their designes are to use the expression of Lieu. Col. Lilburn in page the 54. of his book speaking against the merchant adventures, to make England a land of slavery, ignorance and beggery, or else a land of perjury: I have now learned the meaning of the Scripture Rev. 13. 16. 17. And he causeth all both small and great, rich and poor, free and bond, to receive a mark in their right hand, or in their foreheads, that time might buy or sell, save he that had the mark, or the name of the beast, or the number of his name: which relates as I conceive to all monopolics whatsoever, Jublata causa tollitur effectus, take but away these Merchants patents, and all other of the like nature, and there will a sudden way appear to the relief of the honest, comfort and tranquility to the whole Nation: for the effecting wherof, if I shall but irritate the courteous Reader, it is price sufficient for him whose desire it is not to live, but in the truth.

The Epistle to the Reader.

THis little Pamphlet would not have needed a preparatory Epistle, were there not amongst us a very great generation who are parties in the point I speak of; I shall therefore crave leave to propound unto them, before they read it, whether the Clergy-bellies of these times can bee any whit better Christians, than Demetrius the Silver-Smith with his Craftsmen, Act 19. 19. 20. &c. whilst they cry out, Great is the God of tithes! Sacred is the duty of tithes! of tythes we fill, and swift, hold belly, hold; were it not for tythes learning would be neglected, the Ministery despised, and wee must take paines like other filly people of the &illegible;: Let us rather craw the Prisons full, as wee doe our guts with tythe pigs, of all such as sacrilegiously refuse to pay us tythes.

Let me likewise intreat them to consider, whether it were not the same Tyth-spirit, the spirit of covetousnesse, which caused the Masters of the Damsell, out of whom Paul cast the evill spirit, Act. 16. 16, 17, 18, 19, 20. &c. not only to hang backe from receiving the Gospell, but even to persecute the Apostles for cutting off that Divelish gaine which the evill spirit had wont to bring them? Let them interrogate their owne consciences, whether they believe it to bee Scripture or good doctrine, that a gift blindeth the wise, and perverteth the words of the righteous, Ex. 23. 8. Deut. 16. 19. that it destroyeth the heart, Ecclesiastes 20. 29. corrupting their very understandings, in such manner, that they even perswade themselves to be in the right, when they were never more in the wrong: Let such, I say, who alwayes had, and still have the faculties of their soules imprinted with this gift or rather theft of tithes, consider and suspect themselves to be no competent Judges, how much this Gospel-tithing favors of &illegible; &illegible; and is inconsistent with the subjects propriety.

Being thus prepared, I shall desire them with mee to observe, that the Levites being excluded from possessing any inheritance in the land of Cannan, unlesse the Lord had given them his owne portion and inheritance the tythes, Deut. 18. 1. 2. they must have starved; and yet we finde not that the Lord gave them any compulsive power for lavying and bringing in this contribution of tythes: But under the Gospell, where the whole land is open and free to all alike, to Clergy as well as to Laity, to purchase and keep possession of, where the Apostles practice was to labour with their owne hands, 1 Thess. 2. 9. and Pauls expresse command to all in generall, that if any would not worke hee should not eat, 2 Thess. 3. 10. for a supposititious illegitimate tribe of Levi, who are not above the five hundreth part of the Kingdom (there being upon calculation thought to be not above one Clergyman to every 500. men and women) to lay claime to, and by violence possesse themselves of the tythes of all encrease, free of all charges, which in valuation is better then if the fifth part of the whole land were divided amongst them for gleab-land, whereof most of them have some small pittance besides their tythes, is the greatest cheat and robbery which was ever practised; I say yet more briefly, that if the whole Kingdome were to bee divided into 500. parts, the Clergy (as I said before, being but as one to 500. by computation) besides the free denization which they enjoy in common withall other people, run away with about one hundred and twenty five shares, I mean with about one hundred and twenty five times as much as any of their fellows; Oh prodigy of Covetousnesse I but I must decipher it more cleerly.

Suppose there were 500. men and women in a Country Parish, and all the land in that Parish to be worth 2000 l. by the yeare; the Minister, who is but one of the aforesaid 500. pretends 200 l. for his tithes of the abovesaid 2000 l. cleer of all charges, which said charges on all arrable grounds one with another, for manuring, seed-corne and reaping, &c. or of stocking pasture ground, together with the hazard of a small crop, or death of cattell, is so great, as that the land-lords to bee free of paying tythes, the tenth sheafe cleere of charges, had better give the fifth acre of all their lands for gleab-land unto the Minister.

Thus then their tythes of 2000 l. amount in valuation unto the fifth part of 2000 l. which is 400 l. & this 400 l. for the Minister being taken out of 2000 l. which is the whole revenue of the Parish land, there remaines 1600 l. to be divided amongst 499. men and women, who are the Parishioners, which is not full 3 l. 4 s. 1 d. &illegible; a peere, whereas the minister devours 400 l. which is more than any 124. of his Parishioners enjoy, upon such a calculation, supposing them to be all poore, or all rich alike. And yet the unfatiablenesse of these Clergy-bellies is not herewith content, but they lay claime to tithes on house rent, and the truth part of whatsoever any person of any profession, doth any wayes lawfully advance, to be due unto the Minister of the Gospel both by the law of God and man, unlesse some speciall custome, composition or priviledge of the place allowed by law, exempt him: They are the very words of that Episcopall, Presbyteriall, Ambodexterous Tythe-Champion (for Tythes are a common motto to both parties.) Dr. Burgesse, an eminent member of this present Assembly, in a Discourse of his entituled. A new discovery of personall Tythes, or the tenth part of mint cleare gaines, &c. p. 1. as I finde it observed in John the Baptist, Chap. 2. about Christs order and the Disciples practice concerning the Ministers maintenance, &c.

But why tro did not the Dr. with his brethren in covetousnesse, as well claime tythes of children, as of fruit and personall gaines, whereof we finde not the least mention in either of the Testaments? Surely they would not continue so indulgent, they would not hate us our children, could they but get it once enacted, that it might bee lawfull for them to fell tythe children in the market as well as tythe pigs: and to deale clearly, the Leviticall law, from whence they seeke to colour tythes, subjected every first borne, whether it were of man or beast, unto this tax of tithes, it fell unto the Priests share, Lev. 13. 2. c. 22. 29. Numb. 18. 15. the Leviticall Priest was to have the first borne of children, unlesse they were redeemed, and our English Priests, could they but get an Ordinance of Lords and Commons for it, as well as tythes, I should not trust their curtesies.

Tell me, good Reader, who ever thou art, didst thou ever think these fair pretending Clergymen, every one whereof having devoured above 124. of his brethren by divine right, as they alleadge, their tythe patent which they say God granted the, should be yet thus Canine-like hungry: this craving as of their own meer phantasie & invention to lay title unto the tenth part of all clear gains besides, which would be many times more then the Leviticall tithes amounted to (the gaine of handicraft mysteries and trading, being by manifold, more considerable than the encrease of all the land in England?) and that which is yet more irrationall and pestiferous, they will have it whether we will or no, they wrest it from us by violence, they rob us of it: ’Tis not my desire thou shouldest take this calculation upon trust: Nature hath taught every reasonable man Arithmeticke enough to make triall of it, the truth thereof, when thou thy self perceivest and consideress the consequence, I shall not so much desire thee to stand amazed, as to contribute thy ingredient for curing our Clergymen of this their desperate covetousnes, which is Idolatry, Col. 3. 5. Farewell.

To the Reverend Assembly of Divines at Westminster.

I Could not choose but give you notice of a Designe discovered unto mee, of no small a party which at present is conspiring, how the possessions of Bishops, Deanes and Chapters, &c. which by our Ancestors were intended for publique and pious uses, may become their peculiar inheritances, and totally discourage posterity from all charitable legacies, when they shall see them alienated to such quite contrary purposes.

I understand likewise of severall Petitions by multitudes of the most conscientious free-borne subjects of England, demonstrating how unjust it is, that a small number, who in complement call themselves our Ministers, should at their owne pleasure become our Masters and so contrary to the subjects liberty, force from us the fifth part of the whole Kingdome in valuation without either articles or consent, and that which is worst of all, even not to be longer endured by such as make conscience of any thing, they lay claime to is by Divine right, and for such services, as to many seem little lesse than Antichristian, or Idolatrous: ’Tis frivoleus for you to distinguish between a conscience truly informed, and contrarily; for, unlesse you will pretend your arguments to be like the peace of God which passeth all understanding, Phil. 4. 7. you must unavoidably permit men, even every particular man for himselfe, to resolve the whole Scripture and every part thereof into a full perswasion of his owne heart concerning whatsoever he is to practise or believe, Rom. 14. 5. 22. 23. either grant this, or burne your Bibles, how many soever differing translations, with their whole impressions, as have been brought unto you, since you doe but teach your Lay-people to suspect them all, whilst you your selves will not be ruled by any, in any mans judgement besides your owne.

A word to the wise should be enough; It is of so great interest and consequence to this whole Kingdome, for our respect or other, to demolish and root out the &illegible; memory of this Tith-Idoll, which all other Reformed Christians have long since abominated, that it concernes you to looke out some other maintenance lesse scandalous, and more Gospel-like.

But you’l say perhaps, you have maintenance allotted you by Ordinance of Parliament: what an Ordinance of Parliament? I reverence Ordinances of Parliament; &illegible; me thinke, you should rather &illegible; for refuge to Christs Ordinants; Ordinances of Parliament are repealable, what one Parliament bistowes upon you, another Parliament may take away, but Christs Ordinances, are like himselfe, unchangeable; what ever you thinke of him, doubtlesse you cannot leave him for a better Master: Try then a little, compare the Ordinances together, looke before you leap, if ye be Men, if Christians, consider which may prove the surest, the better title.

Christ ordained that they which preach the Gospel should live by the Gospell. 1 Cor. 9. 14. that is, they should have such a livelihood as is set out, and warranted by the Gospel, which is the free benevolence and bounty of their brethren, and if you will have it in Christs owne words unto the &illegible; Disciples, That into whatsoever house they enter they should remain eating and drinking such things as were set before them, Luk. 10. 5. 7. 8. and having food and rayment they should be there with content, 1 Tim. 6. 8, On the other side:

The Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled, Die Veneris, 8 Novemb. 1644. Ordaine that every person or persons within the Realme of England and Dominion of Wales, shall pay all and singular tithes, offerings, oblations, obventions, rates for tithes, and all other duties commonly known by the name of tithes, unto the respective owners both Lay and Ecclesiasticall.

This is the effect of Christs Ordinance, with that of the Lords and Commons in Parliament: I shall not seek to make enmity betwixt them, and I hope every Reader, will, in time, see how far forth they will run parallel. What will you more then? Our Saviour, you see, has by an Ordinance of heaven provided for you both food and rayment, requiring you by his Apostle Paul to be therewith content.

But me thinke I heare you murmuring that this Gospel maintenance, being by the Spirit of God termed a free gift, 2 Cor. 8. 4. Phil. 4. 17. a matter of bounty, and not grudging, 2 Cor. 9. 5. you have not the conscience, what ever your practice &illegible; to think you may command it at your pleasure, have it whether your &illegible; will or no; and ’tis irksome to your high &illegible; to suppose your selves their Almesmen, and live on their benevolence. But what advantage have you by your tithe Ordinance? how, I pray, will you get your tithes, if the people will not pay them? how can you force them to it, if the people be resolved on the contrary? Oh! I know your meaning, you’l distraine their goods, imprison their persons, and with some vexations accursed act or other, you’l take away their lives, and all they have together: but are you so stout and stardy (not being perhaps above one for a thousand of your Lay-brethren) as to imagine that a Regiment of Blackcoats, can, with a bare humane Ordinance of tithes, defeat a whole Nation, both of their Christian and Civill priviledges? beleeve &illegible; bold Souldiers, you will finde hard service of &illegible; the peoples eyes begin to be open, and if you discover the &illegible; of your &illegible; covetousnesse a little more, they will, questionlesse, so far reflect on the expresse clear words in our Saviours Commission unto his true Disciples, saying, Freely you have received, freely give, Mat. 10. 8. that your &illegible; praying and preaching will grow contemptible, and our exercising Weavers, Feltmakers; &illegible; &c. be found more to resemble trust Ministers of the Gospel, them your learned Doctorships. But because I see some of you are not ashamed to be thought Politicians, who take for granted that you may & ought to be provident, no lesse then your Lay brethren, both for your selves and families; I hope I shall not prove an unwelcome Monitor, if I be instant with you to &illegible; seriously, whether it be for your benefit to wave Christs Ordinance, and adhere unto the Parliaments for maintenance.

&illegible; the Lords and Commons have been beautifull unto you, most transcendently beautifull, no Protestant State did ever doe the liked (I wish it were well considered) they give you tithes with an &c. offerings, oblations, &c above a tenth part, even above the fifth in a just valuation, of all that the land produceth: But what if they should give you halfe, or three quarters of all we have? can you enjoy it longer then good people please to pay it you? I hope, it will not be impertinent, towards meaning you from a Canonicall obedience, by minding you that there have been many laws agreed on in Parliament, which never had execution afterwards, for want of a secondary, and more effectuall assenting of the people in generall, whom the Parliament does but represent. You know, likewise, much may be said, both from Law and Custome, in behalfe of the Kings Prerogative, Revennes, and not much lesse than a boundlesse subjection, and yet you see, how little be hath of either for the present; a Prince can reigne no longer over the persons of his subjects, than bee can master their affections; A usurped tyrannicall power is of &illegible; continuance, but the free consent and love of a people, is that only, which makes all Empire durable and happy.

&illegible; then forth &illegible; &illegible; that a Nation which &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; of so &illegible; &illegible; (&illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; upon all &illegible; &illegible; &illegible;) with the lesse as so &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; from the &illegible; &illegible; of &illegible; &illegible; will &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; both &illegible; and &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; which &illegible; with their &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; of their &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; their &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; of their &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; of &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; things, and you &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; when they for &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible;

&illegible; then a &illegible; which &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; upon the peoples &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; your &illegible; &illegible; their Christian &illegible; &illegible; which to many of &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; with &illegible; evill &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible;

&illegible; &illegible; take &illegible; much &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; upon your &illegible; &illegible; was &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; and &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; the &illegible; &illegible; to &illegible; of you, and &illegible; &illegible; enough (for they have &illegible; &illegible; and &illegible; to you beyond desert) &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &c.

&illegible; &illegible; Friends, they are &illegible; &illegible; after, and of, &illegible; your &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; like enough &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; your &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; (&illegible; &illegible;) you may yet sure will.

Estate.

&illegible; &illegible; 10. read of &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; neither &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; &illegible;.

THE LETTER OF THE LONDON, MINISTERS TO THE Assembly of DIVINEs af Westminster; against TOLERATION, mildly examined; AND The mistakes thereof friendly discovered; As well for the sakes of the Independent and Separation, as for the good of the COMMON-WEALTH.

When I call to minde the generall oppression (before the Parliament) exercised upon good people, conscientious in the practice of their religion; and that the Presbyters did not onely suffer as much as any therein, but exclaim’d, and labour’d as much as any there-against: It is a wonder to me, that now that yoke is removed, and a blest opportunity offered by Almighty God, to the people and their Parliament, to make every honest heart glad, by allowing a just and contentfull Freedome, to serve God without hypocrisie; and according to the perswasion of conscience: That one Sect amongst us, that is the Presbyters, that have been yoke-fellowes with us; should not rest satisfied with being free as their Brethren, but become restlesse in their contrivances and endeavours, till they become Lords over us. The wonder is the same, as it would have been, had the Israelites, after the Egyptian bondage, become Task-masters in the Land of Canaan one to another, but that is more in them who have been instructed by our Saviour in that blessed rule; of doing unto others, what they would have others doe unto themselves.

To discover the severall policies the Presbiters have used to get into the chayre they have justled the Bishops out of, whose example they have followed in many particulars; as especially in the politick and graduall obtaining the Ordinance for Licencing, upon a pretence of stopping the Kings writings, but intentionably obtained, and violently made use of against the Independents, Separation, and Cornmonwealths-men, who either sees more, or something contrary to the designes of the Licencer. To signifie to the People, how the Presbiters have laboured to twist their interest with the Parliaments, as the Bishops did theirs with the King, how daily and burdensomly importunate they are with the Parliament, to establish their Government, (which they are pleased to call Christs) and back it with authority, and a compulsive power, (which by that very particular appeares not to be his) To lay open their private juncto’s and councels, their framing Petitions for the easie and ignorant people, their urging them upon the Common Councell, and obtruding them upon the chusers of Common Councell men, at the Wardmote Elections, even after the Parliament had signified their dislike thereof; to sum up their bitter invectives in Pulpits, and strange liberty they take as well there, as in their writings, to make the separation and Independents odious by scandals and untrue reports of them, in confidence of having the presse in their own hands, by which meanes, no man without hazard shall answer them, to lay open the manner and depth of these proceedings, is not the intention of this worke; I only thought good to mention these particulars, that the Presbiters may see they walke in a net, no ’tis no cloud that covers them, and that they may fear that in time they may be discern’d as well by the whole People, as they are already by a very great part thereof.

The London Ministers Letter, contriu’d in the conclave of Sion Colledge, is one of the numerous projects of the Clergy: not made for the information of the Sinod, but the misinformation of the People, to prevent which is my businesse at this time; I will only take so much of it as is to the point in hand, to wit, Tolleration.

Letter,

It is true, by reason of different lights, and different sights among Brethren, there may be dissenting in opinion, yet why should there be any separating from Church Communion.

Why? because the difference in opinion is in matters that concerne Church Communion: you may as well put the question, why men play not the Hypocrites? as they must needs do if they should communicate in that Church Society, their minde cannot approve of. The question had been well put, if you had said, by reason of different lights, and different sights, there may be dissenting in opinion, yet why should our hearts be divided one from another? why should our love from hence, and our affections grow cold and dead one towards another? why should we not peaceably, beare one with another, till our sights grow better, and our light increase? These would have been questions I thinke, that would have pusled a truly conscientious man to have found an answer for.

That which next followes, to wit, the Churches coat may be of divers colours, yet why should there be any rent in it: is but an old jing of the Bishops, spoken by them formerly in reference to the Presbiters; and now mentioned, to make that which went before, which has no weight in it selfe, to sound the better.

Letter.

Have we not a Touchstone of truth, the good word of God, and when all things are examined by the word, then that which is best may be held fast; but first they must be knowne, and then examined afterward.

I shall easily concur with them thus farr, that the Word of God is the Touchstone, that all opinions are to be examined by that, and that the best is to be held fast. But now who shall be the examiners, must needs be the question; If the Presbiter examine the Independant and separation, they are like to find the same censure the Presbiters have already found, being examined by the Bishops, and the Bishops found from the Pope: Adversaries certainly are not competent Judges; againe, in matters disputable and controverted, every man must examine for himselfe, and so every man does, or else he must be conscious to himselfe, that he sees with other mens eyes, and has taken up an opinion, not because it consents with his understanding, but for that it is the safest and least troublesome as the world goes, or because such a man is of that opinion whom he reverences, and verily believes would not have been so, had it not been truth. I may be helpt in my examination, by other men, but no man or sort of men, are to examine for me, insomuch that before an opinion can properly be said to be mine, it must concord with my understanding. Now here is the fallacy, and you shall find it in all Papists, Bishops, Presbiters, or whatsoever other sort of men, have or would have in their hands the power of persecuting, that they alwayes suppose themselves to be competent examiners and Judges of other men differing in judgement from them, and upon this weake supposition (by no meanes to be allowed) most of the reasons and arguments of the men forementioned, are supported.

They proceed to charge much upon the Independents, for not producing their modell of Church-government; for answer hereunto, I refer the Reader to the Reasons printed by the Independents, and given into the House in their own justification, which the Ministers might have taken notice of.

I proceed to the supposed Reasons urged by the Ministers, against the Tolleration of Independency in the Church.

Letter.

1. Is, because the Desires and endeavours of Independents for a Toleration, are at this time extreamly unseasonable, and preposterous For,

1. The reformation of Religion is not yet perfected and setled amongst us, according to our Covenant. And why may not the Reformation be raised up at last to such purity and perfection, that truly tender consciences may receive abundant satisfaction for ought that yet appeares.

I would to God the people, their own friends especially, would but take notice of the fallacy of the Reason: They would have reformation perfected according to the Covenant, before the Independents move to be tollerated: now Reformation is not perfected according to the Covenant, till Schisme and Heresie is extirpated; which in the sequel of this Letter, they judge Independency to be, that their charity thinks it then most seasonable, to move that Independency should be tolerated after it is extirpated: their reason and affection in this, are alike sound to the Independants. Their drift in this, indeede is but too evident, they would have the Independents silent, till they get power in their hands, and then let them talke if they dare, certainly, the most seasonable time to move for tolleration is while the Parliament are in debate about Church Government; since if stay bee made till a Church Government bee setled, all motions that may but seeme to derogate from that, how just soever in themselves, how good soever for the Common-wealth, must needs be hardly obtained.

And whereas they say, Why may not Reformation be raised up at last to such purity and perfection, that truly tender consciences may receive abundant satisfaction, for ought that yet appeares.

Observe, 1. That these very Ministers, in the sequel of their Letter, impute it as Levity in the Independents, that they are not at a stay, but in expectation of new lights and reserves, as they say, so that a man would think they themselves were at a certainty: But tis no new thing for one sort of men to object that as a crime against others, which they are guilty of themselves: though indeed but that the Presbiters use any weapons against the Independant’s, is no crime at all, yea ’tis excellency in any man or woman, not to be pertinacious, or obstinate in any opinion, but to have an open eare for reason and argument, against whatsoever he holds, and to imbrace or reject, whatsoever upon further search he finds to be agreeable to, or dissonant from Gods holy Word. It doth appeare from the practises of the Presbiters, and from this Letter and other Petitions expresly against Toleration, that unlesse the Independants and separation will submit their Judgements to theirs, they shall never be tollerated, if they can hinder it.

Their 2. Reason is that it is not yet knowne what the Government of the Independent is, neither would they ever let the world know what they hold in that point, though some of their party have bin too forward to challenge the London Petitioners as led with blind obedience, and pinning their soules upon their Preists sleeve, for desiring an establishment of the Government of Christ, before there was any modell of it extant. Their 3d. Reason, is much to the same purpose.

I answer, 1. That the Ministers know that the Independent Government for the Generall is resolved upon by the Independents, though they have not yet modelized every particular, which is a worke of time, as the framing of the Presbyteria Government was. The Independents however have divers reasons for dissenting from the Presbyterian way, which they have given in already. And though they have not concluded every particular of their owne, but are still upon the search, and enquiry; yet it is seasonable however to move for toleration, for that the ground of moving is not because they are Independents, but because every man ought to be free in the worship and service of God, compulsion being the way to increase, not the number of Converts, but of hypocrites; whereas it is another case for People to move for establishing of a Government they understand not, having never seene it, as the London Petitioners did, that is most evidently a giving up of the understanding to other men, sure the Presbiters themselves cannot thinke it otherwise, nor yet the People upon the least consideration of it. Besides, the London Petitioners did not only desire, as here the Ministers cunningly say, an establishment of the Government of Christ, but an establishment of the Government of Christ (a modell whereof the reverend Assembly of Divines have fram’d, which they never saw) so that herein, the People were abused by the Divines, by being put upon a Petition, wherein they suppose that Government which they never saw, to be Christs Government. If this be not sufficient to discover to our Presbyterian LayBrethren, the Divines confidence of their ability to worke them by the smoothnesse of phrase and Language to what they please, and of their own easinesse, and flexibility to be so led, I know not what is.

2. The Ministers urge that the desires and endeavours of the Independants for Toleration, are unreasonable, and unequall in divers regards.

1. Partly because no such toleration hath heitherto been establisht (sofar as we know) in any Christian State, by the Civill Magistrate.

But that the Ministers have been used to speake what they please for a Reason in their Pulpits without contradiction, they would never sure have let so slight a one as this have past from them: It seems by this reason, that if in any Christian State a Toleration by the Magistrate had been allowed, it would not have been unreasonable for our State to allow it: The practice of States, being here supposed to be the rule of what’s reasonable; whereas I had thought, that the practice of Christian States is to be judg’d by the rule of reason and Gods Word, and not reason by them: That which is just and reasonable, is constant and perpetually so; the practice of States though Christian, is variable we see; different one from another, and changing according to the prevalency of particular partees, and therefore a most uncertain rule of what is reasonable.

Besides, the State of Holland doth tollerate; and therefore the Ministers Argument, even in that part where it seems to be most strong for them, makes against them.

Again, if the practice of a Christian state, be a sufficient Argument of the reasonablenesse of a Tolleration, our State may justly tollerate because Christian, and because they are free to do what ever any other State might formerly have done. But I stay too long upon so weak an Argument.

2. Partly, Because some of them have solemnly protest, that they cannot suffer Presbitary, and answerable hereunto is their practice, in those places where Independency prevailes.

’Tis unreasonable it seems to tollerate Independents, because Independents would not if they had the power, suffer Presbyters. A very Christianly argument, and taken out of the 5. of Matthew 44. Love your Enemies, blesse them that curse you, do good to them that hate you, and pray for them which hurte you, and persecute you: What, were all our London Ministers forgetfull of their Saviours instructions? Does their fury so farre blinde their understanding, and exceed their piety? Which seems to be but pretended now, since in their practice they would become Jews, and cry out an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth. Whosoever meddles with them it seems, shall have as good as they bring: Was ever so strange a reason urg’d by a Sect of men, that say they are Ministers, Christs Ministers, Reformers too, that would make the world believe they are about to reduce all matters Christian, to the originall and primitive excellency of Christ and the Apostles, and yet to speak and publish to the world a spleenish reason, so expressely contrary to the precepts, to the practice of Christ and his followers. To Christ I say, that bids us love our enemies, that we may be the children of our Father which is in heaven, who makes the Sun to shine on the evill and the good, and sendeth rain on the just and on the unjust. The Ministers should be like the Master, what a disproportion is here? As if the title were taken up for some other end; we know the Apostle speaks of Ministers that could transform themselves as though they were the Ministers of Righteousnesse; I pray God our Ministers do not so, I would willingly suppresse those fears and suspitions; which doe what I can arise in me, from their words and practice. Sure they had approved themselves better christians, if upon the discovery of so bad a spirit in any of the Independents; as to persecute, had they power (though I beleive, there are not any such) I say, it had been more Christ-like in our Ministers, to have disswaded them from so unmanly, so much more unchristianly a vice, then to have it made an argument for practice in themselves. They might by the same rule, be Jewes to the Jew, or Turke to the Turke, Oppressours to the Oppressour; or doe any evill to others, that others would doe to them: if other mens doing of it, be an argument of the reasonablenesse thereof. But I hope, our Ministers will be so ingenious, as when they see their weaknesses forsake them, it will be both more comfortable to all other sorts of men, and in the end more happy for themselves.

2. Again, I suppose your suggestion to be very false; namely, that the Independents if they had power, would persecute the Presbyters: though let me tell you of all sects of men, those deserve least countenance of a State that would be Persecutors, not because of their consciences in the practice and exercise of their Religion, wherein the ground of Freedome consists; but because a persecuting spirit is the greatest enemy to humane society, the dissolver of love and brotherly affection, the cause of envyings, heart-burnings, divisions, yea, and of warres it selfe. Whosoever shall cast an impartiall eye upon times past, and examine the true cause and reason of the subversion, and devastation of States and countries, will I am confident; attribute it to no other, then the Tyranny of Princes, and Persecution of Priests. So that all States, minding their true interests, namely the good and welfare of the people, ought by all meanes to suppresse in every sect or degree of men, whether Papists, Episcopalls, Presbyters, Independents, Anabaptists, &c. the spirit of Domination, and Persecution, the disquieter and disturber of mankind, the offspring of Satan. God being all Love, and having so communicated himselfe unto us, and gave us commands to be like him, mercifull, as he our heavenly Father is mercifull; to bear with one anothers infirmities: neither does reason and true wisdome dictate any other to us, then that we should do unto others, as we would be done unto our selves; that spirit therefore which is contrary to God, to reason, to the well-being of States, as the spirit of Persecution evidently is; is most especially to be watcht, and warily to be circumscribed, and tied up by the wisdome of the supream power in Common-wealths. I speak not this to the disgrace of Presbyters, as Presbyters; for as such, I suppose they are not Persecutors: forasmuch as I know, some, and I hope there are many more of them, that are zealous and conscientious for that form of Government, and yet enemies to a compulsive power in matters of Religion. But for this end only, namely to beget a just and Christian dislike in all sorts of men, as well Presbyters, as others; of forcing all to one way of worship, though disagreeable to their minds: which cannot be done, without the assistance of this fury and pestilent enemy to mankind, Persecution. I proceed to the Ministers third Reason.

3. And partly to grant to them, and not to other Sectaries who are free-born as well as they, and have done as good service as they to the publick (as they use to plead) will be counted injustice, and great partiality; but to grant it to all, will scarce be cleared from impiety.

To the former part of this argument I gladly consent, that Sectaries have as good claimes to Freedome, as any sorts of men whatsoever; because free-born, because well-affected, and very assistant to their country in its necessities. The latter part of the argument is only an affirmation, without proof; the Ministers think sure it will be taken for truth because they said it, for such a presumption it seems they are arrived to. In the mean time what must they suppose the people to be, that do imagine their bare affirmations sufficient ground for the peoples belief; I would the people would learn from hence to be their own men, and make use of their own understandings in the search and beleif of things; let their Ministers be never so seemingly learned or judicious, God hath not given them understandings for nothing; the submission of the mind is the most ignoble slavery; which being in our own powers to keep free, the Subjection thereof argues in us the greater basenesse; but to the Assertion, that it will be impiety to grant it to all Sectaries.

I answer, First, that the word Sectary is communicable both to Presbyters and Independents, whether it be taken in the good sense for the followers of Christ; for such, all Presbyters, Independents, Brownists, Anabaptists, and all else, suppose and professe themselves to be: or in the common sense, for followers of some few men more eminent in their parts and abilities then other. And hereof the Independents and Presbyters are as guilty as the Separation, and so are as well Sectaries. Now all Sectaries, whether Presbyters, Independents, Brownists, Antinomians, Anabaptists, &c. have a like title and right to Freedome, or a Toleration; the title thereof being not any particular of the Opinion, but the Equity of every mans being Free in the State he lives in, and is obedient to, matters of opinion being not properly to be taken into cognisance any farther, then they break out into some disturbance, or disquiet to the State. But you will say, that by such a toleration, blasphemy will be broached, and such strange and horrid opinions, as would make the eares of every godly and Christian man to tingle; what must this also be tolerated? I answer, it cannot be just, to set bounds or limitations to toleration, any further then the safety of the people requires; the more horrid and blasphemous the opinion is, the easier supprest, by reason and argument; because it must necessarily be, that the weaker the arguments, are on one side, the stronger they are on the other: the grosser the errour is, the more advantage hath truth over it; the lesse colour likewise, and pretence there is, for imposing it upon the people. I am confident, that there is much more danger in a small, but speciously formed error, that hath a likenesse and similitude to truth, then in a grosse and palpable untruth.

Besides, can it in reason be judged the meetest way to draw a man out of his error, by imprisonment, bonds, or other punishment? You may as well be angry, and molest a man that has an imperfection or dimnesse in his eyes, and thinke by stripes or bonds to recover his sight: how preposterous would this bee? Your proper and meet way sure is, to apply things pertinent to his cure. And so likewise to a man whose understanding is clouded, whose inward sight is dimn and imperfect, whose mind is so far misinformed as to deny a Deity, or the Scriptures (for we’l instance in the worst of errors) can Bedlam or the Fleet reduce such a one? No certainly, it was ever found by all experience, that such rough courses did confirme the error, not remove it: nothing can doe that but the efficacy and convincing power of sound reason and argument; which, ’tis to be doubted, they are scarce furnisht withall that use other weapons. Hence have I observ’d that the most weak & passionate men, the most unable to defend truth, or their owne opinions, are the most violent for persecution. Whereas those whose minds are establisht, and whose opinions are built upon firm and demonstrable grounds, care not what winds blow, fear not to grapple with any error, because they are confident they can overthrow it.

3. Independency is a Schisme, and therefore not to be tollerated.

The principall argument brought to prove it, is this; Because they depart from the Presbyter Churches, which are true Churches, and so confest to be by the Independents.

I answer, that this Argument only concerns the Independents, because they only acknowledge them to be true Churches. Whether they are still of that opinion or no I know not, ’tis to be doubted they are not, especially since they have discern’d the spirit of enforcement and compulsion to raign in that Church; the truest mark of a false Church. I believe the Independents have chang’d their minde, especially those of them whose Pastors receive their Office and Ministery from the election of the people or congregation, and are not engag’d to allow so much to the Presbyters, because of their own interest; as deriving their calling from the Bishops and Pope, for the making up a supposed succession from the Apostles, who for their own sakes are enforc’d to acknowledge the Presbyter for a true Church, as the Presbyters are necessitated to allow the Episcopall and Papist Church, true or valid for the substance, as they confesse in the ordinance for Ordination, because they have receiv’d their Ministery therefrom, without which absurdity they cannot maintain their succession from the Apostles. But that the Independents are not a schism, they have and will, I believe, upon all occasions sufficiently justifie: I shall not therefore, since it concerns them in particular, insist thereupon; but proceed to the supposed mischiefs which the Ministers say will inevitably follow upon this tolleration, both to the Church and Commonwealth. First, to the Church.

1. Causelesse and unjust revolts, from our Ministery and Congregations.

To this I say, that it argues an abundance of distrust the Ministers have in their own abilities, and the doctrines they preach, to suppose their auditors will forsake them if other men have liberty to speak. ’Tis authority it seems must fill their Churches, and not the truth and efficacy of their doctrines. I judge it for my part a sufficient ground to suspect that for gold that can’t abide a triall. It seems our Ministers doctrines and Religion, are like Dagon of the Philistins, that will fall to pieces at the appearance of the Ark. Truth sure would be more confident, in hope to appear more glorious, being set off by faishood. And therefore I do adjure the Ministers, from that lovelinesse and potency that necessarily must be in Truth and Righteousnesse, if they think they do professe it, that they would procure the opening of every mans mouth, in confidence that truth, in whomsoever she is, will prove victorious; and like the Suns glorious lustre, darken all errors and vain imaginations of mans heart. But I fear the consequence sticks more in the stomacks, the emptying of their Churches being the eclipsing of their reputations, and the diminishing of their profits; if it be otherwise, let it appear by an equall allowing of that to others, which they have labour’d so much for to be allowed to themselves.

2. Our peoples minds will be troubled and in danger to be subverted, Acts 15.24.

A. The place of Scripture may concern themselves, and may as well be urg’d upon them by the Separation or Independents, as it is urg’d by them upon the Separation and Independents; namely, that they trouble the peoples mindes, and lay injunctions upon them, they were never commanded to lay. And ’tis very observable, the most of those Scriptures they urge against the Separation, do most properly belong unto themselves.

3. Bitter heart-burnings among brethren, will be fomented and perpetuated to all posterity.

I answer. Not by, but for want of a Tolleration: Because the State is not equall in its protection, but allows one sort of men to trample upon another; from hence must necessarily arise heart-burnings, which as they have ever been, so they will ever be perpetuated to posterity, unlesse the State wisely prevent them, by taking away the distinction that foments them; namely, (the particular indulgency of one party, and neglect of the other) by a just and equall tolleration. In that family strife and heart-burnings are commonly multiplied, where one son is more cockered and indulg’d then another; the way to foster love and amity, as well in a family, as in a State, being an equall respect from those that are in authority.

4. They say, the Godly, painfull, and orthodox Ministers will bee discouraged and despised.

Answ. Upon how slight foundation is their reputation supported, that fear being despised unlesse Authority forces all to Church to them? Since they have confidence to vouch themselves godly, painfull, and orthodox, me thinks they should not doubt an audience. The Apostles would empty the Churches, and Jewish Synagogues, and by the prevalency of their doctrine convert 3000 at a Sermon; and doe our Ministers feare, that have the opportunity of a Church, and the advantage of speaking an houre together without interruption, that they cannot keep those Auditors they have; but that they shall bee withdrawn from them by men of meaner lights (in their esteeme) by the illiterate and under-valued lay Preachers, that are (as the Ministers suppose) under the cloud of error and false doctrine? Surely they suspect their own Tenetss or their abilities to maintain them, that esteem it a discouragement to bee opposed, and feare they shall be despised if disputed withall.

5. They say, The life and power of godlinesse will be eaten out by frivolous disputes and vain janglings.

Answ. Frivolous disputes and vain janglings, are as unjustifiable in the people as in the Ministery, but milde and gentle Reasonings (which authority are onely to countenance) make much to the finding out of truth, which cloth most advance the life and power of godlinesse. Besides, a Toleration being allowed, and every Sect labouring to make it appear that they are in the truth, whereof a good life, or the power of godlinesse being the best badge or symptome; hence will necessarily follow, a noble contestation in all sorts of men to exceed in godlinesse, to the great improvement of vertue and piety amongst us. From whence it will be concluded too, that that Sect will be supposed to have least truth in them, that are least vertuous, and godlike in their lives and conversations.

6. They urge, That the whole course of religion in private families will be interrupted and undermined.

Answ. As if the Independents and Separation were not as religious in their private families, as the Presbyters.

7. Reciprocall duties between persons of nearest and dearest relations, will be extreamly violated.

Answ. A needlesse fear, grounded upon a supposition, that difference in judgement must needs occasion coldnesse of affection, which indeed proceeds from the different countenance and protection, which States have hitherto afforded to men of different judgements. Hence was it, that in the most persecuting times, when it was almost as bad in the vulgar esteem to be an Anabaptist, as a murtherer, it occasioned dis-inheritings, and many effects of want of affection, in people of nearest relations; but since the common odium and vilification is in great measure taken off, by the wise and just permission of all sects of men by the Parliament, man and wife, father and son, friend and friend, though of different opinions, can agree well together, and love one another; which shews that such difference in affection, is not properly the effect of difference in judgement, but of Persecution, and the distinct respect and different countenance that Authority has formerly shewn towards men not conforming.

8. They say, That the whole work of Reformation, especially in discipline and Government, will be retarded, disturbed, and in danger of being utterly frustrate and void.

It matters not, since they mean in the Presbyterian discipline and Government, accompanied with Persecution: Nay, it will be abundantly happy for the people, and exceedingly conducing to a lasting Peace (to which Persecution is the greatest enemy) if such a government so qualified be never setled. The Presbyters I hope, will fall short in their ayms. i. ’Tis not certain that the Parliament mean to settle the Presbyterian Government, since they have not declared that Government to be agreeable to Gods Word; although the Presbyters are pleasd, in their expressions, frequently to call their Government, Christs Government. Howsoever, their determination (which may well be supposd to be built upon their interest) is not binding: They are call’d to advise withall, not to controul. 2. In case the Parliament should approve of that Government in the main, yet the Prelaticall and persecuting power of it, we may well presume (since they themselves may smart under it as well as the rest of the people) they will never establish.

9. All other Sects and Heresies in the Kingdome, will be encouraged to endeavour the like tolleration.

Sects and Heresies! We must take leave to tell them, that those are termes impos’d ad placitum, and may be retorted with the like confidence upon themselves. How prove they Separation to be Sects and Heresies; because they differ and separate from them? That’s no Argument, unlesse they can first prove themselves to be in the truth? A matter with much presumption supposd, but never yet made good, and yet upon this groundlesse presumption, the whole fabrick of their function, their claim to the Churches, their preheminence in determining matters of Religion, their eager persuit after a power to persecute, is mainly supported. If the Separation are Sects and Heresies, because the Presbyters (supposing themselves to have the countenance of Authority, and some esteem with the people) judge them so: The Presbyters by the same rule were so, because the Bishops once in authority, and in greater countenance with the People, did so judge them to be.

And whereas they say, That Sects and Heresies will be encouraged to endeavour the like tolleration with the Independents.

I answer, that ’tis their right, their due as justly as their cloths, or food; and if they indeavour not for their Liberty, they are in a measure guilty of their owne bondage. How monstrous a matter the Ministers would make it to be, for men to labour to be free from persecution. They thinke they are in the saddle already, but will never I hope have the reines in their hands.

Their 10th. feare is the same.

2. They say the whole Church of England (they meane their whole Church of England) in short time will be swallowed up with distraction and confusion.

These things are but said, not proved: were it not that the Divines blew the coales of dissention, and exasperated one mans spirit against another; I am confidently perswaded we might differ in opinion, and yet love one another very well; as for any distraction or confusion that might intrench upon that civill peace, the Laws might provide against it, which is the earnest desires both of the Independents and Seperation.

2. They say, Tolleration will bring divers mischiefes upon the Commonwealth: For,

1. All these mischeifes in the Church will have their proportionable influence upon the Common-wealth.

This is but a slight supposition, and mentions no evill that is like to befall the Common-wealth.

2. They urge that the Kingdome will be wofully weakned by scandalls and Divisions, so that the Enemies both domesticall and forraigne will be encouraged to plot and practise against it.

I answer, that the contrary hereunto is much more likely, for two Reasons.

1. There is like to be a concurrence, and joynt assistance in the protection of the Common-wealth, which affords a joynt protection and encouragement to the People.

2. There can be no greater argument to the People, to venture their estates and lives in defence of their Country and that government, under which they enjoy not only a liberty, of Estate and Person, but a freedome likewise of serving God according to their consciences, whcih Religious men account the greatest blessing upon earth; I might mention notable instances of late actions of service in Independents and Seperatists, which arising but from hopes of such a freedome, can yet scarce be paraleld by any age or story.

3. They say it is much to be doubted, lest the power of the Magistrate should not only be weakned, but even utterly overthrowne; considering the principles and practices of Independents, together with their compliance with other Sectaries, sufficiently knowne to be antimagistraticall.

An injurious, but common scandal, this whereof much use has been made to the misleading the People into false apprehensions of their brethren the Seperatists, to the great increase of enmity and disaffection amongst us, whereof the Ministers are most especially guilty: Let any impartial man examine the principles, and search into the practises of the separation, and he must needs conclude that they are not the men that trouble England, but those rather that lay it to their charge: the separation indeede and Independents are enemies to Tyranny, none more, and oppression, from whence I beleeve has arisen the fore-mentioned scandall of them: but to just Goverment and Magistracy, none are more subject, and obedient: and therefore the Ministers may do well to lay aside such obloquies, which will otherwise by time and other discovery, turne to their own disgrace.

In the last place they say, ’tis opposite to the Covenant, I. Because opposite to the Reformation of Religion, according to the Word of God, and example of the best Reformed Churches.

I answer, 1, That the example of the best reformed Churches is not binding, further then they agree with the Word of God, so that the Word of God indeed is the only rule. Now the word of God is expresse for tolleration, as appeares by the Parable of the Tares growing with the wheate, by those two expresse and positive rules, 1. Every man should be fully perswaded of the truth of that way wherein he serves the Lord, 2. That whatsoever is not of faith is sinne; and 3. by that rule of reason and pure nature, cited by our blessed Saviour: namely, whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, that do you unto them.

2. They say it is destructive to the 3. Kingdomes nearest conjunction and uniformity in Religion and Government.

I answer, that the same tolleration may be allowed in the 3. Kingdomes, together with the same Religion and Government; whether it shall be Presbiterian, or Independent, or Anabaptisticall: Besides that I suppose which is principally intended by this part of the Covenant, ’tis the Union of the 3. Kingdomes, and making them each defensive and helpfull to the other, which a tolleration will be a meanes to further, because of the encouragement that every man will have to maintaine his so excellent freedome; which he cannot better do, then by maintaining them all, because of the Independency they will have one upon the other.

3. ’Tis expresly contrary to the extirpation of Schisme, and whatsoever shall be found contrary to sound doctrine, and the power of Godlinesse.

I answer, That when it is certainly determined by judges that cannot err, who are the Schismaticks, there may be some seeming pretence to extirpate them, though then also no power or force is to be used, but lawfull means only, as the wise men have interpreted it; that is, Schisme and Heresie, when they appeare to be such, are to be rooted out by reason and debate, the sword of the Spirit, not of the Flesh; arguments, not blowes: unto which men betake themselves upon distrust of their own foundations, and consciousnesse of their owne inability.

Besides, as the Presbiters judge others to be a Schisme from them, so others judge them to be a Schisme from the Truth, in which sence only the Covenant can be taken.

4. Hereby we shall be involved in the guilt of other mens sinnes, and thereby be endangered to receive of their plagues.

I answer, that compulsion must necessarily occasion both much cruelty and much Hypocrisie: whereof the Divines, labouring so much for the cause, which is persecution, cannot be guiltlesse.

5. It seemes utterly impossible (if such a tolleration should be granted) that the Lord should be one, and his name one, in the 3. Kingdomes.

I suppose they mean by that phrase, it is impossible that our judgements and profession should be one; so I believe it is, whether there be a Tolleration or no. But certainly the likeliest way, if there be any thereunto, is by finding out one truth; which most probably will be by giving liberty to every man to speak his minde, and produce his reasons and arguments; and not by hearing one Sect only: That if it does produce a forc’d unity, it may be more probably in errour, then in truth; the Ministers being not so likely to deal clearly in the search thereof, because of their interests, as the Laity, who live not thereupon, but enquire for truth, for truths sake, and the satisfaction of their own mindes.

In this controversie concerning Tolleration, I make no question but the Parliament will judge justly between the two parties; who have both the greatest opportunity and abilities, to discern between the integrity of the one side, and the interest of the other. That the one party pleads for toleration, for the comfort and tranquility of their lives, and the peaceable serving of God according to their consciences, in which they desire no mans disturbance. That the other that plead against it, may (I would I could say onely probably) be swayed by interest and self-respects, their means and preheminence. I make no question but the Parliament, before they proceed to a determination of matters concerning Religion, will as they have heard one party, the Divines, so likewise reserve one ear for all other sorts of men; knowing that they that give sentence, all partees being not heard, though the sentence be just (which then likely will not be) yet they are unjust. Besides, the Parliament themselves are much concerned in this controversie, since upon their dissolution they must mixe with the people, and then either enjoy the sweets of freedome, or suffer under the most irksome yoke of Priestly bondage: and therefore since they are concem’d in a double respect; first, as chosen by the People to provide for their safety and Freedome, whereof Liberty of conscience is the principall branch, and so engag’d by duty: secondly, as Members of the Common-wealth, and so oblig’d to establish Freedome, out of love to themselves and their posterity.

I shall only add one word more concerning this Letter, which is this; That ’tis worth the observation, that the same men are part of the contrivers of it, and part of those to whom ’twas sent; Mr. Walker being President of Sion Colledge, Mr. Seaman one of the Deans, (observe that word) and Mr. Roborough, one of the Assistants, all three Members of the Synod: who with the rest framing it seasonably, and purposely to meet with the Letter from Scotland, concerning Church Government, may well remove the wonder and admiration that seem’d to possesse one of the Scotch grand Divines in the Synod, at the concurrence of Providence in these two Letters: of the politick and confederated ordering whereof, he could not be ignorant.

GEntle men, Anti-Magistrates we are not, but owne Magistracy as Gods Ordinance appointed for the good and well being of men kind, Rom. 13. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5, 6. Unto whose power and Authority, in all lawfull things, we both have, and are willing to stoop unto, but no further, neither doe we crave or desire, any favour, priviledge or benefit, but what is given unto us by the good, established, and just Lawes of England (which the Parliament solemnly, haveoften sworne to maintain, of which for our particulars, we have for many moneths been robd of, by the tyranny and usurpation of the Lords, (commonly called the House of Peeres) now sitting at Westminster, who have usurpedly, and contrary to the just and knowne Law of the Land, assumed unto themselves, (by the law of their owne wills) a power in criminall causes, to judge and commit us who are Commoners, which by law they have no authority not in the least to doe, as appeares in the 29. Chapter of Magna Charta, which expresly saith. “No freeman shall be taken or imprisoned, or be disseised of his free-hold,” or liberties, or free customes, or be out lawed, or exiled, or any otherwise distroyed “nor we will not passe upon him, nor condemne him, but by lawfull judgement of his Peers, or by the law of the Land. We will sell to no man, we will not deny nor deferre to any man either justice or right. And the 3. E. 1. 6. likewise expresly saith, “and that no City, Borough, nor towne, nor any man be amerced without reasonable cause and according to the quantity of his trespasse, that is to say, every free man saving his free hold. A Merchant saving his Merchandize, a Villain(g. H. 3. 14.) saving his waynage, and that by his or their Peers. Which 29. Chap. of Magna Charta, is expresly by name confirmed in the Petition of Right, made in the third yeare of the present King Charles, which absolutely abolisheth all Lawes made in derogation of the said just Law, which Petition of Right, and every clause there in contained, is expresly confirmed by this present Parliament, as appeares by the statute that abolished the Star Chamber, and the statute, that abolished Ship money. And that learned man of the Law, Sir Edward Cooke, in his exposition of Magna Charta, which booke is published to the publique view of the Kingdome as law, by two speciall orders of the present House of Commons, as in the last pag. thereof you may read, who in his exposition of the 14. chap of Magna Charta, 2. part institutes fol. 28. saith, that by Peers, is meant Equalls, and in fol. 29. he saith, “the generall devision of persons by the law of England is either one that is Noble, and in respect of his Nobility of the Lords House of Parliament, or one of the Commons of the Realm, and in respect thereof, of the House of Commons in Parliament, & as there be divers degrees of Nobility, as Dukes, Marquesses, Earles, Viscounts & Barons and yet all of them are comprehended within this word PARES, so of the Commons of the Realme, there be Knights, Esquires, Gentle-men, Citizens, Yeomen and Burgesses of severall degrees, and yet all of them of the Commons, of the Realme, and as every of the Nobles is one, a PEER to another, though he be of a severall degree, so is it of the Commons, and as it hath been said of men, so doth it hold of noble women, either by birth or by marriage, but see hereof, chap. 29. And in his exposition of chap. 29. pag. Ibem, he saith no man shall be disseised, that is, put out of seison, or dispossessed of his free-hold, (that is) lands or lively hood, or of his liberties, or free customes, that is, of such franchises, and freedomes, and free customes, as belong to him by his free birth-right, unlesse it be by the lawfull judgement, that is, verdict of his EQVALS, (that is, men of his owne condition) or by the law of the land, (that is to speake once for all) by the due course and processe of Law.

No man shall be in any sort destroyed (to destroy i.e.) what was first built and made, wholly to overthrow and pull downe, unlesse it be by the verdict of his EQVALS, or according to the Law of the land. And so saith he is the sentence, (neither will we passe upon him) to be understood, but by the iudgement of his PEERS, that is EQVALS, or according to the Law of the Land, see him, fol. 48. upon this sentence; pro indicium parium suorum, and pag. 50. hee saith it was inacted, that the Lords and Peers of this Realme, should not give iudgement upon any but their Peers, and cites Rot. Parl. 4. E. 3. Num. 6. But the Roule is 4. E. 3. Num. 2. in the case of Sir Simon de Bereford, in which the Lords doe ingeniously confesse, that it is contrary to Law, for them to passe iudgement upon a Commoner, being they are not their Peers, that is EQVALS, which record at large you may read in The oppressed mans oppressions declared, Edition the second. pag. 18, 19 And also in part; in Vox plebis, pag. 40. 41.

So that by what hath been said, it cleerly, evidently, and undeniably appeares by the Law of the Land, and the Lords owne confession, that they are not the Peers or Iudges of Commoners in any criminall cases what soever. And we offer (at our utmost perrill) before any legall power in England, to maintain it by the knowne and declared Law of the Land, (which the Lords themselves, have solemnly covinanted and sworne to maintaine) that the Lords by the Law of England, “have not in the least any Iurisdiction at all over any of the Commons of England in any criminall cases whatsoever. But if the studious and industrious Reader, please to read that notable and late printed booke, called Regall tyranny discovered, he shall find that the Author of that book in his 43. 44. 45, 46, 47, and 86. page, layes downe many strong and solid arguments, to prove “that the House of Lords, have not lustly, neither judicative, nor legeslative power at all in them; and in his 94, 95, 96, 97, 98. he declares from very sound and good authority, “that before William the Conquerer and invader, subdued the rights and priviledges of Parliaments, that the King and the Commons held and kept Parliaments, without Temporall Lords, Bishops, or Abbots, the two last of which, viz. Bishops and Abbots he proves, had as true and good right to sit in Parliament, as any of the present Lords now sitting at Westminster, either now have, or ever had, yea, and out of the 20, 21, pages of that notable, and very usefull to be knowne booke, called, The manner of holding Parliaments in England; before and since the conquest, &c. declares plainly, that in times by past, “there was neither Bishop, Earle, nor Baron, and yet even then the King of England kept Parliaments with their Commons only, and though since by INNOVATION, Earles and Barons, have been by the Kings prerogative Charters, (which of what legall or binding authority they are, you may fully read in the Lords and Commons Declaration this present Parliament) summoned to sit in Parliament, yet notwithstanding the King may hold a Parliament, with the Commonalty, or Commons of the Kingdome, without Bishops, Earles and Barons, and saith Mr. William Pryn, in the 1. part of his Soveraign power of Parliaments, pag. 43. (which booke is commanded to be printed by speciall authority, of the present House of Commons) out of Mr Iohn Vowels manner of holding Parliaments, which is recorded in Holingh; Cron. of Ireland, fol. 127, 128. that in times by past the King and the Commons did make a full Parliament, which authority (saith hee) was never hitherto abridged. Yea, this present Parliament in their Declaration concerning the Treaty of Peace in Yorkshire 20. Septem. 1641. betwixt the Lord Fairfax, &c. and Mr. Bellasis, &c. booke decl. 1. part pag 628. doe declare, first that none of the parties to that agreement, had any authority by any act of theirs, to bind that countrey, to any such Nutrality, as is mentioned in that agreement, it being a peculiar and proper power and priviledge of Parliament, where the whole body of the Kingdome is represented to bind all or any part. And we say the body of the Kingdome, is represented only in the House of Commons, the Lords not being in the least chosen to represent any body at all, yea, and the House of Commons, calls their single order for the receiving of Pole-money, May 6. 1642. 1. part book decl pag. 178. An Order of the House of Parliament, yea, and by severall single orders, have acted in the greatest affaires of the Common-wealth, sometimes against the wills and minds of the Lords, 1. part book decl. pag. 13. 121. 122, 305, 522, 526, 537, 546, 557. book decl. 2. part pag 6, 7, 10, 12. 25. 29. 36. 37. 40, 41. 42. 45. 43, &c. see pag. 877, 878. 879.

And yet notwithstanding all this, the Lords like a company of forsworne men, (for they have often solemnly sworne to maintaine the Law) have by force and violence, indeavoured to their power, and contrary to law, to assume to themselves a judicative power over us, (who are Commons of England in criminall cases) and for refusing to stoop thereunto, have barbarously for many moneths tirannized over us, with imprisonments, &c. And we according to the duty we owe to our native country, and to ourselves and ours, for the preservation of our selves, and the good and just declared lawes and liberties of England, and from keeping our selves and our posterities, from vassalage and bondage, did thereupon according to law and justice, appeale to the honourable House of Commons (as you may truly and largely read in divers and sundry bookes, published by us, and our friends) as the supreame and legall power and judicature in England, whom we did thinke and judge, had been chosen of purpose, by the free men of England to maintaine the fundamentall good lawes and liberties thereof, but to their everlasting shame (and the amazement of all that chose and betrusted them.) We are forced to speake it, we have not found any reall intentions in them, to performe unto us, the trust in that Particular reposed in them by the whole Kingdome, neither, have we any grounded cause to say (in truth) any otherwise of them, but that they are more studious and industrious unjustly in deviding hundred thousands of pounds of the Common wealths money amongst themselves, then in actuall doing to us (in whom all and every the Commons of England are concerned, for what by the wills of the Lords, is done to us to day, may be done to any Commoner of England to morrow) either justice or right, according to their duty, and their often sworne oathes, though we have not ceased continuall to the utmost of our power, legally, and iustly to crave it at their hands, as you may fully read in our forementioned printed bookes. Sure we are; they tell us in their printed Declarations, that they are chosen and betrusted by the people, 1. part bok. decl. pag, 171, 172. 263. 264, 266, 336, 340. 361, 459. 462-508 588, 613, 628. 690, 703, 705, 711 714. 716. 724, 725. 729. And that to provide for their weale, but not for their woe, book decl. 1. part page 150: 81 382. 726. 728.

And they in their notable Declaration of the 2. Novemb. 1642. booke decl. 1 part pag. 700, expresly tell us, that all interests of publique trust is only for the publique good, and not for private advantages, nor to the prejudice of any mans particular interest, much lesse of the publique, and in the same page they further say, that all interests of trust, is limitted to such ends or uses, and may not be imployed to any other, especially they that have any interests only to the use of others, (as they confesse all Interests of trust are) cannot imploy them to their owne, or any other use, then that for which they are intrusted, yea, and page 266. they tell the King, that the whole Kingdome it selfe is intrusted unto him for the good and safety and best advantage thereof, and as this trust is for the use of the Kingdome, so ought it to be managed by the advice of the Houses of Parliament, whom the Kingdome hath intrusted for that purpose, it being their duty to see it be discharged according to the condition, and true intent thereof, and as much as in them lyes, by all possible meanes to prevent the contrary. And in page 687. being answering a charge that the King laid upon them, which was, as they cite it, that we can doe him no wrong, because he is not capable of receiving any, and that we have taken nothing from him, because he never had any thing of his owne to lose, upon which they demand the question, and say, in what part of that Declaration (meaning theirs of the 26. May, 1642.) is this told the King in plain English, or by any good inference? unlesse it must needs follow, that be “cause the King hath not a right of property in the Townes, Forts, Subjects, publique treasure and offices of the Kingdome, nor in the Kingdome it selfe to dispose of it at his pleasure, and for his owne private advantage, but only a trust for the commnn good of himselfe and his Subjects* (as it is most cleare he hath them no otherwise) that therefore he cannot have a property in any of the Lands or goods, as Subiects have in theirs, and yet it is a truth that the more publique any person is, the more interest the publique hath even in those things that belong to him as a private man, in which regard the King hath not the like liberty, in disposing of his owne person, or of the persons of his children (in respect of the interest the Kingdome hath in them) as a private man may have.

And therefore negatively in the second place, we are sure, that the House of Commons, by their owne Declarations, were never intentionally chosen and sent to Westminster to devide amongst themselves, the great offices and places of the Kingdome, and under pretence of them to make themselves rich and mighty men, with sucking and deviding among themselves, the vitall and heart blood of the Common wealth, (viz. its treasure) now lying not in a swound, but even a gasping for life and being, but let us see whether this and other of their late doings, be according to their former protestations, imprecations and just Declarations, which if they be not woe to them, for saith the spirit of God, Eccle. 5. 4. 5. When thou vowest a vow unto God defer not to pay it; for he hath no pleasure in fooles, pay that which thou hast vowed. For better it is that thou shouldest not vow, then that thou shouldest vow and not pay, see Deut. 23. 21. 23. That which is gone out of thy lyps, saith God, thou shalt keep and performe, Num. 30. 2. Psal. 76. 21. Iob 22. 27 Eze. 17. 16, 17, 18, 19, Eze. 5. 4. 5. We find in their Declaration of the 5. May 1642. book de. 1. par p. 172 these words, The Lords and Commons therefore entrusted with the safety of the Kingdome, and peace of the people (which they call God to witnesse is their only aime) finding themselves denyed these their so necessary and iust demands (about the Militia) and that they can never be discharged before God or man, if they should suffer the safety of the Kingdome, and peace of the people, to be exposed to the malice of the Malignant party, &c. And in there Remonst. of the 19. of May, 1642. book del. 1 par. p. 195. they say, That the providing for the publique peace, and the prosperity of all his Maiesties Realmes: within the presence of the all seeing diety, we protest to have been, and still to be the only end of all our counsells and indeavours, wherein we have resolved to continue freed and inlarged from all private aimes, personall respects or passions whatsoever. But we wish withall our soules, they had intended, what they here declared, when they declared it, which is too much evident to every rational mans eyes, that sees and knowes their practises, that they did not, or that if they did, that they have broken and falcified their words and promises, and in the same Remonst. p. 214. speaking of those many difficulties they meet with in the discharge of their places, and duty, they say, “Yet wee doubt not, but we shall overcome all this at last, if the people suffer not themselves to be deluded, with false and specious shewes, and so drawn to betray us to their owne undoing we have ever been willing to hazzard the undoing of our selves, that they might not be betrayed by our neglect of the trust reposed in us, but if it were possible, they should prevaile herein, yet we would not faile through Gods grace still to persist in our duties, and to looke beyond our owne lives, estates and advantages, as those who thinke nothing worth the enjoying, without the liberty, peace and safety of the Kingdome: nor any thing too good to be hazzarded in discharge of our consciences, for the obtaining of it, and shall alwayes repose our selves upon the protection of almighty God, which we are confident shall never be wanting to us, (while wee seek his glory) as we have found it hitherto, wonderfully going along with us, in all our proceedings. O golden words! unto the makers of which we desire to rehearse the 23. Mat. 27, Woe unto you Scribes, and Pharisees, Hypocrites, for yee are like unto whited Sepulchers, which indeed appeare beautifull outward, but are within full of dead mens bones, and of all uncleannesse. And in their Remon. May. 26. 1642. p. 281. They declare, “that their indeavours for the preservation of the Lawes and liberties of England, have been most hearty and sincere, in which indeavour, say they, by the grace of God we will still persist though we should perish in the worke; which if it should be, it is much to be feared, that Religion, Lawes, liberties and Parliaments, will not be long lived after us: but saith Christ, Mat. 23. 23, 28. Woe unto you Scribes and Pharisees, Hypocrites for yee make cleane the outside of the cup, and of the platter, but within they are full of extortion and excesse. Yee also appeare outwardly righteous unto men, but within yee are full of hypocrisie and iniquity. And in their Decla. of July, 1642. concerning the distractions of the Kingdome, &c p. 463. 464. speaking of the businesse of Hull, they say, “the war being thus by his Maiesty begun, the Lords and Commons in Parliament, hold themselves bound in conscience to raise forces for the preservation of themselves, the peace of the Kingdome and protection of the Subiects in their persons and estates, according to Law, the defence and securite of Parliament, and of all those who have been imployed by them in any publique service for these ends, and through Gods blessing, to disappoint the designes, and expectations, of those who have drawn his Maiestie to these courses and Counsells, in favour of the Papists at home, the Rebells in Ireland, the forraign enemies, of our Religion and peace.

“In the opposing of all which, they desire the concurrence of the well disposed Subjects of this Kingdome, and shall manifest by their courses and indeavours, that they are carried by no respects but of the publique good, which they will alwayes prefer before their owne lives and fortunes. O that we might not too justly say! they are already falne from their words.

And in their most notable Declaration of August, 1642. pag. 498. being in great distresse they cry out in these words, “and we doe here require all those that have any sence of piety, honour or compassion, to helpe a distressed state, especially such as have taken the Protestation, and are bound in the same duty with us unto their God, their King and country, to come in to our aid and assistance, this being the true cause, for which we have raised an Army, under the command of the Earle of Essex, with whom in this quarrell wee will live and dye.

And in their answer to his Majesties message of the 12 of No. 1642. p. 750. they have these words, God who sees our innocency, and that we have no aimes, but at his glory and the publique good, &c. O golden language, but without reall performance, are but an execrable abomination in the sight of God, and all rationall men.

But when these Declarations and Promises were solemnly made, the Authors of them tooke it extreame ill at the hands of the King, when he told them they dissembled, and meerly sought themselves, and their owne honour and greatnesse, which he doth to the purpose in severall of his Declarations, but especially in his Declaration of the 12. August, 1642. pag. where speaking of the earnest desire he had to ease and satisfie his Subjects, he saith, that whilst we were busie in providing for the publique, they were contriving particular advantages of offices and places for themselves, and made use underhand of the former grievances of the Subiect, in things concerning Religion and Law, &c. and in the next pag. speaking of their zeale against the Bishops, &c. He declares their designe, was but of their goodly revenue to erect Stipends to their owne Clergy, and to raise estates to repaire their owne broken fortunes.*

And in the Same Remonstrance pag. 539. he declares, that after many feares and iealousies were begun, they would suffer no meanes to compose it, but inflamed the people, because (he saith) they knew they should not only be disappointed of the places, offices, honours, and imployments they had promised themselves, but be exposed to the justice of the law, and the just hatred of all good men.

All which they in their antient and primitive declarations disdaine, as most dishonourable to be fixed upon them, or supposed ever intentively to be acted by them, especially so visibly that any should be able to see it, and therefore in their 3. Remonstrance, book decl. 1. part pag. 264. “they labour to perswade the people not to destroy themselves, by taking their lives, liberties, and estates out of their hands, whom they have chosen and betrusted therewith, and resigne them up to some evill Counsellours about his Majestie, who (they say) are the men that would perswade the people, that both Houses of Parliament containing all the Peers, and representing all the Commons of England, would destroy the Laws of the land, and liberties of the People, wherein besides the trust of the whole, they themselves in their owne particular, have so great an interest of honour and estate, that we hope it will gaine little credit with any, that have the least use of reason, that such as have so great a share in the misery, should take so much paines in the procuring thereof, and spend so much time, and run so many hazzards to make themselves slaves, and to destroy the property of their estates. But we say in the bitternesse of our soules. O! that their actions and dealings with us, and many other free men of England, had not given too just and grounded cause to judge that the forementioned charge of the King, was righteous, just, and true upon them, and which if their owne consciences were not seared with hot Irons, and so past feeling, would tell them with horror* that he spoake the truth.

And in the forementioned most notable Declaration, pag. 494. one of the principall things they complaine of against the King, and his evill Counsellers is, ‘that they endeavour to possesse the people that the Parliament will take away the law, and introduce an arbitrary Government; a thing (say they) which every honest morall man abhors, much more the wisedome; justice, and piety of the two Houses of Parliament,* and in truth such a charge as no rationall man can beleeve it, it being unpossible so many severall persous, as the Houses of Parliament consists of about 600. and in either House of equall power shall all of them, or at least the Major part, agree in acts of will and tyranny, which make up an arbitrary government,* and most improbable, that the nobillity and chiefe gentry of this Kingdome, should conspire to take away the Law, by which they injoy their estates, are protected from any act of violence, and power; and differenced from the meaner sort of people, with whom otherwise they should be but fellow servants.

And when they come to answer the Kings maine charge, laid to them, in his Declaration, in answer to theirs of the 26. of May, 1642. they say, book decl. pag. 694. “As for that concerning our inclination to be slaves, it is affirmed, that his Majesty said nothing which might imply any such inclination in us, but sure, what ever be our inclination, slavery would be our condition, if we should goe about to overthrow the Lawes of the Land,* and the propriety of every mans estate, and the liberty of his person. For therein we must needs be as much patients as agents, and must every one in his turne suffer our selves, whatsoever we should impose upon others, we have refused to doe or suffer our selves, and that in a high proportion. But there is a strong and vehement presumption, that we affect to be tyrants, and what is that? because we will admit no rule to governe by but our owne wills:* But we wish the charge might not too truly be laid upon you. For our parts, we aver, wee feele the insupportable weight of it upon both our shoulders.

And therefore to conclude this, we desire to informe you, that in severall of their Declarations, they declare and professe, they “will maintaine what they have sworne in their protestations, the which if you please to read, you shall find there amongst other things, that they have sworne solemnly to maintaine the lawfull rights and liberties of the Subject, and every person whatsoever, that shall lawfuly in deavour the preservation thereof and therefore book dec. 2. part pag. 497. they solemnly imprecate the judgements of God to fall upon them, if they performe not their vowes,* promises and duties; and say woe to us if we doe it not, at least doe our utmost indeavours in it, for the discharge of our duties, and the saving of our soules, and leave the successe to God Almighty*.

Now what the liberty of the Subject is, they themselves in their Declarations excellent well discribe and declare; “that it is the liberty of every Subject to injoy the benefit of the law, and not arbitrarily and illegally to be committed to prison, but only by due course and processe of law, nor to have their lives, liberties nor estates taken from them, but by due course and processe of Law, according to Magna Charta and the Petition of Right which condemnes as unjust all Interrogatorie proceedings in a mans owne case, nor to be denyed Habeas Corpusses, nor baile in all cases whatsoever, that by law are baileable, and to injoy speedy tryalls without having the just course of the law, obstructed against them, 1. part book decl. pag. 6, 72, 38, 77. 201. 277. 278. 458, 459. 660, 845.

Yea, in their great Declaration of the 2. Novemb. 1642. book. decl. 1. part. pag. 720 they declare “it is the liberty and priviledge of the people, to Petition unto them for the ease and redresse of their grievances, and oppressions, and that they are bound in duty to receive their Petitions, their own words are these, “we acknowledge that we have received Petitions, for the removall of things established by law, and we must say, and all that know what belongeth to the course and practice of Parliament, will say that we ought so to doe, and that our predicessors and his Majesties Ancestors have constantly done it there being no other place wherein lawes, that by experience may be found grievous and burthensome can be altered or repealed, and there being no other due and legall way, wherein they which are agrieved by them, can seeke redresse; yea, in other of their Declarations, they declare, that is, the liberty of the people in multitudes to come to the Parliament to deliver their Petitions, and there day by day to waite for answers to them, [Editor: illegible word] part book. decl page 1. 2 3. 201. 202. 209. 548.

And there is not a little harmony betwixt these their Declarations. and the antient and just Law of the Land, as appeares by the future of 36. E. 3. 10. which expresly saith, that “for maintenance of the Law, and the redresse of divers mischiefes and grievances which dayly happen, a Parliament shall be holden every yeare, as another time was ordained by a statute of the 4. E 3. 14 yea saith learned Sir Edward Cocke in the 3. part of his Instit. chap. high Court of Parliament, fo. 11. One of the principall ends of calling of Parliaments, is for the redresse of the mischiefes and grievances that dayly happen, and therefore (saith he) (Ibim) the Parliament ought not to be ended while any Petition dependeth undiscussed, or at least to which a determinate answer is not made, but truly we are afraid that if this last rule should be observed, this present Parliament must sit till the day of judgment, for we for our particulars may truly say it is the furthest thing in their thoughts, duly to redresse the grievances of the people for care they take none for any thing we can see, but how to accomplish their owne pecuniary ends, and to study wayes how to increase mischiefes and grievances, and to involve the generality of the people, in an everlasting caos of confusion, by making their wills and lusts a law, their envy and malice a law, their covetousnesse and ambition a law, for we for our parts are necessitated to declare (with anxity’ of spirit) that we can obtain no justice nor right at their hands, though we have long since appealed to them for it, yet can we not obtain so much justice from them, as to get our reports made in the House, from their own Committee they themselves appointed to examin our business: neither can we so much as get our businesse publiquely debated in the House (because as it seemes they have no time to spare, to spend to redresse the Commons grand grievances, from their weighty imployments, in unjustly sharing vast summs of the Common wealths money amongst themselves,) although we have not ceased to use all the legall meanes, that both our owne braines, and all the friends and interests we had about London could furnish us with, and when they failed us, God himselfe raised us up divers friends in the Country of our fellow Commons who made our oppressions their owne, and of their selves, before we knew any thing, were about framing a Petition in our behalfe, which as soone as we knew it, we could not chuse but looke upon it (as to us) in the nature of a resurrection from the dead, who we have too just cause to thinke were buried alive, and swallowed up quick in the Canniball breast and mawes, of the man eating and devouring House of Lords. And therefore as Paul in the like case said in the 2 Tim. 1. 16. 17. 18. The Lord give mercy unto the house of Onesiphorus for he hath oft refreshed me, and was not ashamed of my chain: But when I was at Rome he sought me out very deligently, and found me. The Lord grant unto him, that he may find mercy of the Lord in that day.

Even so say we in the inlargednesse of our soules, the Lord give merey to the honest, manlike, and Saint-like Inhabitants of Buckingham-shire: and Hartford-shire, for they have greatly and extraordinarily refreshed us, and were not ashamed of our chaines and bonds for the libertys of their Country, and when they were in London sought us out very deligently and found us, and not only so, but the greatest part of ten thousand of them, as we understand subscribed a Petition for us, to the House of Commons, to desire them, according to their duty, to deliver us out of the devouring Pawes, of the tyrannicall House of Lords, and to free us from their arbitrary and illegall power, and divers hundreds, of them at their own costs and charges, through much underhand opposition, came to the Cities of London and Westminster, about or upon the 10. Feb. 1646. but not finding speedy and free accesse to the House of Commons with their Petition, according to their just expectation, their owne primitive practice, and publiquely declared duty: in which regard they left behind them 6. of themselves, as Commissioners for all the rest, to improve their utmost interest to get their Petition to be delivered and read in the House, and gave unto them instructions in writing to explaine some things in the Petition, in case they were called into the House, and then to give a perfect account unto them, what was done about their Petition: but their Commissioners waited with all deligence upon the House, till the 17. or 18. of Feb. 1646. and improved (as we credibly understand) all their interest in all or the most of their own Knights and Burgesses, &c. but could not by all the meanes, they could use get their Petition read in the House, the reason of which we are not able to render, unlesse it be that the Peoples chosen trustees of the House of Commons, are resolved to betray their trust, and to sacriffice the lives, liberties, and proprieties, of all the Commons of England, to the mercilesse tyrannie, and barborous crueltie of the House of Lords, Oh COMMONS of England, awake, awake, and looke seriously and carefully about you, before you be made absolute vassells and slaves, unto the lusts and wills of those that you have preserve alive with your blood and treasure from whom yee deserve better then you find, or are likely to injoy.

The Lord grant unto the foresaid men of Buckingham-shire and Hartford-shire, that they may find mercy of the Lord in the day of their account, and the Lord God grant that their spirits may not faint, flag, nor be weary, but that they may renue their strength, and double and trible their Petition, with all importunity, and solicite all their neighbouring, Countyes to joyn with them, and never give over till they have made them and their posteritie free from the bondage of the Lords, and shakt of all arbitrary power what ever. And the Lord God of Heaven raise up heroically the spirit of all their fellow Commons in all the Counties of England to second them and joyne with them, in that legall, just and righteous worke they have begun, and to glue and knit their hearts and soules together, as Jonathan and Davids was, that they may never part nor be devided, till they have accomplished their iust enterprise, and the good Lord; require all their kindnesses and labour of love, manifefested unto us poore afflicted and greatly distressed prisoners seven fold, into their owne bosomes, Amen Amen.

But now in regard our friends, nor their Commissioners cannot get their Petition to be delivered, in which regard they have all left the City and Parliament, as disparing in obtaining their just end at the present, and are gone downe into the Countrey, truely to acquaint the rest of their friends, how they have been dealt with, we judge it our duty, and that we are so much bound to our selves, and the whole Kingdome: (though we must truly confesse, that at we have no such Commission from the Petitioners nor their Commissioners) as to publish a true Copy of their Petition and instructions, which thus followeth.

SIR, Your extream fury in driving on a work wherein no charitable well minded Christian takes any comfort, but rather an abundance of griefe, hath made me to conclude, that you are quite deaf on the right Christian care; deaf to all that is good: a man (I fear) altogether without Conscience, or sence of goodnesse: and that you have the use of hearing only on the left side of Machiavilian policy: just as Demetrius the silversmith, that opposed not the doctrine of Christ out of zeale to the Goddesse Diana as he pretended: nor out of any hatred to that doctrine, but as it tended to the losse of his craft and gain: even so you, (as I verily fear) do not indeavour to make odious the severall doctrines and practices of conscienscious people, out of true zeal to any thing you apprehend as truth; or out of hatred to any thing you apprehend as error: but because the doctrines and practices of those you term independents, Brownists, Anabaptists, Antinomians, and Seekers: do all tend to the losse of your craft and gain: in that they all disallow of tythes, as ceremonious and popish, and all contracted for, or enforced maintenance for ministers under the Gospel, as disagreeing to the rule thereof: nay you have further cause against them, for they spoile you not onely of your gaine, but of your glory and domination, things dearer to you then your life: of your glory, in denying your ministry to be successive from the Apostles: of your domination, by denying unto you any more authority to judge of doctrines or discipline, then any other sort of Christian men: and to speak truly, these are sore temptations to such worldly minds as yours, who in your hopes had made your selves sure of the greatest part of all that was taken from the Prelats, and thereby of a foundation of advancing the honour, and splendour, and profit of the Clergy once more in this Nation: It is confest that such provocations as these have not onely produced such reviling accusations, as you bring against conscientious well minded people, but a subversion of the calumniators: as it befell the late Prelats, whose railing, reviling, and molesting of the harmelesse faithfull puritan, under pretence of herisie, schisme, faction, sedition, and the like, being all contrary to every mans knowledge and experience of them: the issue was, the utter extirpation of their calumniators: and that so lately, as might be a warning to you, and such politique worldly men as you are; but that it is (through the wisdom and justice of God) the fate of policy and politique men not to be warned by other mens judgements, but to trust so much to the strength of their braines, that they fear not to trace those very steps that gradatim brought the last Arch bishop to the block, making no conscience of vexing, disgraceing, and undoing of any man, nay thousands of men and families, standing twixt them and their unjust ends: and this too so madly and rashly, as to make themselves adversaries of such, as really aimed at their good, and to preserve them from those precipitations their folly and malice labours to hasten. And this is your case with me, for I am confident and well assured, that amongst all those whom in this your frantick booke you have named, there is not one that opposed your waies more out of love, and seriously for your good, then I have done: for what ever you through want of an experimentall knowledge of me, or upon misreport may judge of me, I am one that do truly and heartily love all mankind, it being the unfeigned desire of my soul, that all men might be saved, and come to the knowledge of the truth, it is my extream grief that any man is afflicted, molested, or punished, and cannot but most earnestly wish, that all occasion were taken away: there is no man weake, but I would strengthen: nor ignorant, but I would informe: nor erronious, but I would rectifie, nor vidous, but I would reclaim, nor cruel, but I would moderate and reduce to clemency: I am as much grieved that any man should be so unhappy as to be cruel or unjust, as that any man should suffer by cruelty or injustice: and if I could I would preserve from both; and however I am mistaken, it is from this disposition in me, that I have engaged my self in any publick affairs, and from no other, which my manner of proceeding in every particular busines wherein I have in any measure appeared, will sufficiently evince, to all that have without partiallity observed me: I never proposed any man for my enemy, but injustice, oppression, innovation, arbitrary power, and cruelty, where ever I found them I ever opposed my self against them; but so, as to destroy the evil, but to preserve the person: and therefore all the war I have made (other then what my voluntary and necessary contribution hath maintained, which I wish ten thousand times more then my ability, so really am I affected with the Parliaments just cause for the common freedom of this Nation) I say all the war I have made, hath been to get victory on the understandings of men: accompting it a more worthy and profitable labour to beget friends to the cause I loved, rather then to molest mens persons, or confiscate estates: and how many true and thorow converts have been made through my endeavours: you tempt me to boast, were I addicted to such a vanity, or were I not better pleased with the conscience of so doing. Before this Parliament I was of full years to be sensible of the oppression of the times, being now forty five years of age, having accustomed my self to all kinds of good reading, and to the consideration of all things; but so, as for a long time I took not boldnesse to judge, but upon the approbation of some authors and teachers that had captivated my understanding both in things morall, politique, and religious: in the last of which, being very serious and sincere in my application of things to my own conscience, my grounds being bad, though much applauded, I found much disconsolation therein, great uncertainty, and at last extream affliction of mind, the law and Gospel fighting for victory in me, in which conflict, the Scriptures were taken in more singly, and void of glosse, to my assistance, by the cleare light whereof, I saw the enemies I feared vanquished, which wrought a real thankfulnes in me towards Christ, which increased with the increasings of faith: insomuch as I set my self daily more and more to do his will: and that in a more publick way then formerly: Whereupon an occasion being offered by this honourable Parliament, our minister and parish (James Garlick-hill London) being quite out of order: I, with others, moved for reformation, in doing whereof, how I laboured to have preserved the continuance and well being of our minister: himself, and the ancient that opposed our endeavours, I presume will testifie, but if they should not, there is enow that will, but he was a man that trusted to policy, which in the end failed him: our next indeavours were for the whole ward, wherein after much labour, we so prevailed, that the well affected carryed the choice of Alderman and common councell men, and all other officers in the Ward: my next publike businesse was with many others, in a remonstrance to the Common Councell, to move the Parliament to confirm certain infallible maximes of free Government: wherein the power of Parliament was plainly distinguished from the Kings Office, so plainly, that had it taken effect: few men after due consideration thereof, would through error of judgement have taken part against the Parliament, or have befriended arbitrary power, as too too many did for want of light, but it was stifled in the birth. I was also interrested in all the proceedings of Salters hall, whence much good issued to the whole City and Kingdom; where I beleeve it will be testified by all, I was never heard or observed to propose or second a bad motion, nor far short of any in prosecution of any thing that was good: and when the common enemy was at the highest, and the Parliaments forces at the lowest, I with many others petitioned the Parliament for the generall raising and arming of all the well affected in the Kingdom, and though that also took not its proper effect, and came not to perfection: yet it mated the common enemy, and set all wheels at work at home, was the spring of more powerfull motions and good successes: God so ordering things that no man moves for good, but good in one kind or other comes thereof: and in all that I have at any time done, I ever associated my self with persons of known good affections to Parliament and Common-wealth: that it is my extream wonder that any well-affected person should affirm me to be a man dangerous: I have never shunned the light, all that I have had a hand in hath come to the publick view and touch, and truly there hath not been a just thing promoted or endeavoured to be promoted, that ever I was absent from, if I had a call thereunto: and whereas I have addicted my selfe to know and understand all the severall doctrines and waies of worship that are extant, and for that end have taken liberty to hear and to observe all: it is that I might be able to judge rightly of their differences, to vindicate them when they are wronged: and to advise them for their good: in doing whereof, I have gained much good, there being not any (how light esteeme soever you make of them) but have somthing worthy the observation: and this I must testify for all sorts of them, they are a people the most ready to render love for love, that ever I met withall: and not apt to render evil for evil: they are all universally faithfull to the Parliament, friends to all just government, and enemies to all unjust: but yet there is not any thing I have observed that hath prevailed with me to disclaim the publike ministry, or the parochial congregations & I have yet some hopes to see them reduced into such a condition, as that all things thereunto belonging, may without difficulty be justified: but though I am not in fellowship with those good people you call sectaries, yet I joyn heart and hand with them in any thing that I judge to be right: and tending to the publike good: and love them as heartily as those that are one with me in judgement: sometimes I contest with them somewhat vehemently in arguing, but it is as I conceive for truth, and for their good: and they take it so, and bear with me as I with them: and we meet and part in love, as becometh Christians, nor doth this hinder, but that when any difference befalleth betweene them and the publick ministers, but that I judge as clearly in such cases, as if I had no difference with them, for I esteem it a high part of true religion to promote common justice: and not to be a respecter of persons in judgement, wherein the Scripture is my rule: and that being on their side, I should take part with them therein against my father, minister, or the dearest friend I have in the world: and from hence it is, that when the question is about liberty of Conscience, the Scripture tells me, every one ought to be fully perswaded in his own mind, and that whatsoever is not of faith, is sin: it tells me I must doe as I would be done unto: I would not be enforced to the Parish Congregations, then I must not force them to them, or from their owne: God onely perswades the heart: compulsion and enforcement may make a confused masse of dissembling hypocrites, not a Congregation of beleevers, that seeing our Saviour reproached not those that denyed the resurrection, angels and spirits, nay Joh. 12: 47, 48. &c. he saith plainly (and that by authority from heaven, v 49), He that refuseth me, and receiveth not my words, hath one that judgeth him: the word that I have spoken, it shall judge him in the last day. Also in Luke the 9: 54, 55, 56. Insomuch as I see no more warrant now to reproach or punish any man for Religion, but rather that we are all bound in peace and love to reclaime our brother from what wee judge an error in his way: wherein the best and most knowing amongst men in our daies, may be mistaken; being all liable to take truth for error, and error for truth, and therefore there is no cause of strife or compulsion, except for mastery: then which (as I conceive) nothing is more unchristian, neverthelesse I may see a necessary use of a publick ministry, and parish Congregations, and it is my work to perswade others therein, and not to speak reproachfully thereof, as they would not have their way reproached: but then when the question is concerning a maintenance for these publick ministers: and that any shall insist for tythes, or an enforced maintenance, truly in this case the Scripture manifesting to my understanding, tythes to be ceremoniall and Jewish, and sa to cease at the comming of Christ: and that to enforce or enjoyn a maintenance though under anv other notion, is as I apprehend contrary to the rule and practice of the Apostles, how is it possible but I must adhere to them therein: but then that our publick ministers should have no maintenance, therein I wholy dissent, and as it hath been my endeavour to assist the one party to avoid the molestation of their consciences in tythes, & all enforced contributions so have I often proposed a way for the maintenance of the publick ministers, more certain, more quiet for themselves, and lesse irksome to the people, lesse disturbant to the Common-wealth: and thus you may see how through misinformation: you have taken me for an enimy, that have alwaies approved my self your reall friend in all things I apprehended just: and thus you may see how dangerous a man I have been that in all these publick differences have done no man hurt by word or deed: nay at all the meetings I have frequented, whether at Salters hall, the wind mill, or else where, I never heard any man named reproachfully, but I openly shewed the unfitnes thereof: alwaies advising that if any man had ought against any particular person, that he should make it known to those that by law had a right to take notice thereof, and that we should be very cautious in thinking evil of any man upon report and hearsay, especially of any in authority: The truth is, I have been and am of opinion, that it is not good for the Common-wealth, that the ministers should have any power or jurisdiction put into their hands, or that it were good for the ministers themselves, the same having so often proved their ruine, and the disturbance of the people, but do conceive it more safe for them, and more for the quiet of the people, that they be freed from all other employments, except preaching and administring the publick worship of God, according as the Parliament shall ordain, for I look upon you as ministers ordained by the State, and so are to do as they conceive is most agreeable to the word of God, and most beneficiall to the generallity of the people: in setling whereof, you may advise, but are not to urge or be importunate for more power then they see good, and it lesse beseems you to grow passionate, and to move others to be importunate, and by preaching and printing to labour to make their faithfull friends odious unto them, and to magnifie your desires, above their own intentions, and so to beget emulations and parties, threaten judgements and desertions, and turning the scriptures against them and all others that oppose or fulfill not your will, as if they were opposers of the will of God, which you take upon you to know, with the same confidence as the bishops and prelates did, and in the very same manner, and application of Scripture. No interpretation was good but theirs, no ministers the ministers of Christ, but whom they ordeyned by imposition of hands, no government, discipline, or worship, agreeable to the Scriptures, but theirs, no opinion found, but what they allowed, all were sectaries and hereticks, whom they pleased so to denominate: those that opposed them were seditious: disturbers of the peace, a viperous brood, enemies to the state, and subverters of all order and government, and by all means to be extirpated: if any pleaded conscience, they conclude them obstinate, and thus it is with you expresly, so as Mr. Edwards his Gangraena, is indeed but a new edition of Prelaticall doctrine, with some additions appliable to the present times, and his Clergies immediate interest: but trust me, this is extreamly prejudidall to your party, for there is no moderate Presbyterian that can excuse this, and hath beene a hindrance to me in arguing for a publick ministry, besides you soar so high in daring expressions, as if you presumed upon some other way of obtaining your desires, then by allowance of Parliament, which may loose you many friends there, and occasion them to think they have through a mistaken compassion, fostered a frozen snake in their bosomes, that no sooner finds heat and strength, but falls into his serpentine hissing, and stinging his preserver, you have also lost many of your friends abroad, by this unchristian nominating men and women in your Gangraena, and many more you will loose, when they shall consider that you have not taken the known Gospel way of first admonishing of them, but upon bare report, as it were to post them reproachfully to the view of the world, they cannot deem this as the proceeding of a minister of Christ, but rather as a violent hast to do your owne work: trust me, I cannot but impute the great abatement of your sect, the falling from you of so many judicious persons, and the daily great increase of other sects, to no one thing more, then to your inconsiderate rashnes, violent railing, and adventuring on unheard of waies to compasse your ends, for when I have prevailed with some (through debate and argument) to come to our publike Churches, and to hear your sermons, they have found there such abundance of passion, sweat, and labour, not to beget children unto Christ, by preaching the sincere Gospel of Christ, but to revile and reproach, and make odious conscientious well affected people, because of difference in judgement, whereby they have been much discouraged from frequenting those places, affirming that all the accusations you bring against others, are expresly and visibly due to your selves if but indifferently weighed: as where you charge others with pride, ambition, covetuousnes, effeminacy, obstinacy, cruelty, delicacy of pallate, and the like; they have demanded of me with a positive vehemency, whether these were not to be found in you, rather then in those you have condemned for those vices, blaming me very much for going about to excuse the same, insomuch as I verily beleeve, you have no enemy like your self, and am perswaded if you would forsake all corrupt interests, and would consciensciously set your selfe to do the worke of Christ, to labour in his word and Gospel, out of a pure mind, and not for filthy lucre, if you would make it evident by your actions, that you seek not ours, but to win us to God, that you would thereby prevaile more in one halfe year towards your owne comfortable establishment, then you shall in an age by all your by-waies and policies, therefore leave them, and betake your self to the work of Christ, whilst it is called to day: the night of ignorance I presume is past with you: O that truth and this my plain dealing might beget or awaken Conscience in you, and provoke you to cast of the works of darknes, and to put on the armour of light, and henceforth to walk honestly, and not in strife and envying, but to walk in love as Christ hath loved nor is it meet you should esteeme your self a Christian, untill you find your soul possessed with the spirit of true Christian love, which doth no evil to his neighbour, and therefore is the fulfilling of the Law. What though you could prevail (as you endeavour) to work the ruine of all that oppose your judgement or ends? Would it be peace in the latter end? no, assure your self it would be a sulphurious bitternesse and horror of conscience, and therefore sit downe and seriously consider what you are resolved to do, weigh your intentions in the even scales of love, touch and prove them with the touch-stone of love, if you would be esteemed a disciple of Christ, it must bee knowne by love: now love suffereth long, and is kind; boasteth not it self, is not puffed up, doth not behave it seife unseemly, seeketh not her owne, is not provoked to anger, it thinketh not evil, it rejoyceth not in iniquity, but rejoyceth in the truth: beareth all things, beleeveth all things, hopeth all things, endureth all things, this is that I would ever whisper in your ear, this being a balsame that often, and well rub’d in, may Cure your Gangraen, and though at first your distemper may cause you to loath it, yet take a little and a little of it, use inwardly and outwardly, constantly, and you will find your disposition to alter and change from one degree unto another, until you come to be a strong and healthfull Christian: of Saul a persecutor, you will become Paul a preacher of peace and reconciliation by Jesus Christ, and bee able to lay down your life for those Brethren you have so much dispised: then will you do as you would be done unto, and in all things disputable allow every one to be fully perswaded in their own minds, and then you will bee sencible, that whatsoever is not of faith is sinne: you will acknowledge it is God only that can perswade the heart, and (doing your duty) patiently waite his leisure for the conversion of your Brethren: the same mind and meeknes will bee in you, as was in Christ Jesus, and you will be mercifull as our heavenly Father is mercifull: you will not break the bruised reed, nor quench the smoaking flax; then you will see what pure religion and undefiled before God, even the Father, is: you will feed the hungry, cloath the naked, visit the sick, relieve the prisoner, deliver the captive, and set the oppressed free, especially the oppressed for Conscience sake: you will then see error in judgement or misapprehension in worship, to bee but a mote in your brothers eye, compared to a persecuting or molesting, or the reproaching beame in your owne: in a word, would you seriously set your selfe to the studdy and practice of love, you would againe fill your Churches, and without the help of Jewish Tythes, or any unchristian or forced maintenance, preaching the Gospel, would live comfortably of the Gospel and draw all men after you.

As for those blemishes you labour by your Gangreen to stick upon mee, I beleeve your labour will be lost, except in the opinion of such as know me not: but to acquit my selfe farther, and to free them from prejudice, to what I have said I add thus much more.

In your 96. page, you have me in these uncharitable expressions, one Mr. Walwyn a seeker, and a dangerous man, a strong head: truely in the mind you were in, when you wrote this Gangreen, I am heartily glad I appeared not worthy of your Commendations, certainly you have been extreamly covetous of informations, you seeme to have suckt them in with greedinesse, and swallowed them without chewing; tis pitty an evil intent should be better served; your informations to my knowledge of many particulars as that of Mr. Lilburnes and others, and my self, have been such to you, as if they had been made of purpose to shame you to all the world, I a seeker, good now; whose your author? Am I one because I know many, and have been amongst them often, that I might know them fully; so have I been with all other judgements, but I carry with mee in all places a Touch-stone that tryeth all things, and labours to hold nothing but what upon plain grounds appeareth good and usefull: I abandon all nicities and uselesse things: my manner is in all disputes reasonings and discourses, to enquire what is the use: and if I find it not very materiall, I abandon it, there are plain usefull doctrines sufficient to give peace to my mind: direction and comfort to my life: and to draw all men to a consideration of things evidently usefull, hath been a speciall cause that I have applyed my selfe in a friendly manner unto all: but hence it is that some have said I am a great Anabaptist, others (upon as good ground) a great Antinomian: and you a seeker: mistake me not, I do not esteeme these as names of reproach, no more then to be called Presbyterian or Independent; nor doe I take upon me peremptorily to determine what is truth, and what is error, amongst any of them: all have a possibility of error: I judge all Conscienscious, and to hold their severall judgements upon grounds of scripture: to them appearing, and so long cannot but hold them: and why any should controule another, I cannot disceme: had I all the power or strength in the World at my disposing, in cases of religion I conceive I should sinne, if I should do more then in a loving way offer my argument, and gently perswade to what I conceive is both evidently true, and really usefull: and thus have I done amongst those my loving friends, whom you judge seekers: for though I do fully assent with them that now in these times there is no such ministry as the Apostles were, endowed with immediate power from on high, by imposition of whose hands, the Holy Ghost was conferred, enabling to speak with tongues, and do miracles, in a most wonderfull manner, and to speake to all men, the infallible word of God: and that convincingly to the Consciences of gain-sayers: yet am I not thereby of opinion that we may not make use of those things they have left unto us in the scriptures of the mind and will of God; or that it is not profitable to follow their examples so far as we are able in all things, for what though the effects are now weake, in comparison of theirs, yet are they such as bring great satisfaction with them: I have often perswaded with them that they should not reject what they may with much comfort make use of, because they cannot find what they seek, & for ought I know are not like to find in this world: see now what a seeker you have found of me: I once heard you at Christ-Church, which few seekers will do, but never but once, for I was not so blind a seeker, as to seek for Grapes of thornes, or Figgs of thistles: and why I pray you a dangerous man? indeed, by some reall dangerous men, I have been accounted so some whereof are falne into the snare they laid for all the well affected in this City; but that ever I was accounted so by any that conversed with me, that was a knowing well-affected man, I do not beleeve, and I beleeve I could produce thousands of knowing well-affected persons, that if they heare I am engaged, and doe appeare in any publick businesse, though they know no title thereof, will adventure odds; it is both just and necessary, and therefore you incline me to beleeve that you labour for beliefe onely amongst the weake, ignorant, rash, or ill affected people, with whom Credit and repute is not worth the having: well, your last appellation you bestow upon me is a strong head, and what would you have understood by this? Would you have your disciples stand aloof and not dare to hold discourse with me, lest I should open your designes, and make it appeare how much it concerns your corrupt interrest to keep their heads in ignorance and a superstitious weaknesse: is it because I know whose maxim, this is Rustica gens, optima Flens, pessima ridens: Is it because my hearing is so good as not to bee perverted by Closing doctrines, or because my smelling serves my turne to smell a Fox, or Wolfe, though in Sheeps clothing, or is my seeing so strong that it dispels the magick mists of sophisticated art: or is it because my taste discerneth the brackishnesse of flattery, from the pure sweetnesse of plain dealing: or do you mean head strong, because I am not likely nor could ever be drawn to dance after your Pipe.

Doubtlesse these are the causes that any strong head troubles you: neverthelesse, as strong as it is, you see a small knock from your hard hand hath so opened it, that I can hardly shut it again, but lie shut it presently, onely thus much, I cannot see how authority can passe over this unparaleld use of the presse which you have taken, to name in publike so many of their faithfull adherents in so reproachfull a manner, to tax their proceedings in the proceedings of their Committees, to affirme and declare to all the world, that the victorious successes of the Parliaments forces, is but the increase of errors and herisies, that sectaries of all sorts get places of profit and power, and be the men all in request for offices and employments: in the which, you make your self the judge of what is error and herisie, and who is a sectary: in all which you are as likely to be mistaken as any man: for none are such in your calender, but such (as at first I told you) who stand twixt you and your profit, glory and domination: so as a man may be a reall good Christian, and a most cordiall friend to the Parliament, and neverthelesse be exploded by you for a sectary, or an heretick: one thing more, you, and such as you are (if you be not changed since you wrote your Gangraena, as I heartily wish you were) doe extreamly abuse this Nation, in laying the main weight of the reformation (intended) upon the reduceing of mens judgements and practice in Religion to union and uniformity, whereas the main weight of all resteth, in extirpating the popish prelaticall spirit of persecution and molestation for conscience: as the main thing that oppressed all sorts of conscientious people before the Parliament, and since; and that which cannot fail to disturbe and vex any nation where it remaineth, but the truth is, without it you cannot keep your self aloft: without it you cannot compell a maintenance: distinguish a Clergy, nor have power over mens persons by their consciences, but grant you the power you desire, and you are master of all, and then see who dares open his mouth, or move his pen in this argument: your present confidence proceeds from the mist you have raised, but it is not yet thick enough, nor will our english braynes prove so muddy as to afford matter for thickning, I beleeve and hope it is now at thickest, and when your hopes are greatest, you will find your self in a fogge: to hold men in ignorance or bondage is not a work either for honest men or good Christians, but abhorred by both, and beleeve it, truth is become too strong to admit of either in this age: and we trust the honourable Parliament that are chosen to preserve us from both, will not fail to preserve us, though you should do the worst you can, and whereas you commend them to the love of God and his truth, and the hating of all sects and schismes, I in all humility and true love to all that honour God, and desire the welfare of England, do most heartily pray, that they may hate all persecuting sects with a perfect hatred: all enforcing and compulsive schismaticks, as the onely cause of all trouble and distraction.

To conclude, If you be so ill as your word, and bring forth such evill fruit once every month, and that we whose names you have blasted, can find a licencer, (as we hope we shall) that will do but so much for Christ, as yours hath done for B. We shall I doubt not, find a new way of innocculation, and produce grapes out of your thorns, and figges out of your thistles, and fetch abundance of good out of your evil: but more happy will it be for you if you repent, (once a month shall I say) once every houre, and in token thereof, use your uttermost indeavour to promote this or the like petition to the honourable Parliament, whereby you will make some amends for the evill you have done by this your book.

Untill I perceive the contrary, I cannot but hope that I have prevailed something with you towards a change of your mind, and that you have begun to repent you of the evill you have done by publishing your book entituled the Gangreen: and doe wish my whisper had come so timely to your eare, as to have prevented the second edition, but repentance is never too late, and I earnestly desire it may be hearty in you, for furtherance whereof, having in my last forgotten to declare my judgement concerning the Nationall Covenant, wherein either you are entangled, or whereby you entangle others, forcing such an interpretation thereupon, as to bind all that have taken the same, to endeavour the establishment of a compulsive Presbyterian Government: directly contrary to the whole scope of the new Testament.

To remove this error, if you be consciencious there in: or to prevent the evil intended, and to undeceive those that misunderstand the Covenant, I shall at this time manifest unto you in what sence I tooke the same: conceiving my self obliged so to do, chiefly in duty to the publick, but withall, in due respect to my own good name, having been questioned by some, how it could stand with my Covenant, that I should be opposite in my judgement and endeavours to the government you intended, or be so serious an Advocate for liberty of Conscience? and I discerned a necessity of doing hereof at this instant of time, by occasion of a sermon I lately heard at Pauls: wherein all were supposed to be breakers of the Covenant, that did not insist and be importunate for such a government, & so much power as the assembly of divines should think fit, or to that effect; urging with such vehemency of expression, the pursuance of the Covenant in that sence, with such threats of judgements, and strong provocations, that I was amazed thereat, and had more feared the issue, but that I knew those honourable persons to whom he spake, were endued with wisdom to discerne whose worke he did: though I confesse it was done so artificially, as to have deceived the very choisest of men.

The two first articles of the Covenant, are only materiall to the point in question: and therefore I shall declare in what sence I took them, not medling with any other part thereof.

The first Article is thus. That we shall sincerely, really, and constantly through the grace of God, endeavour in our severall places and callings, the preservation of the reformed Religion in the Church of Scotland, in doctrine, worship, discipline, and government, against our common enemies: by this I did binde my self to indeavour in my place and calling, the preservation of the Reformed Religion in the Church of Scotland, in doctrine, worship, discipline, and government, against our common enemies, that is, that our common enemies shall not in any sort disturbe our brethren the Covenanters of Scotland, in the enjoyment of their Religion, and that form of Church Government which they conceived most agreeable to the Word of God: my bond being of force onely against our common enemies, and in no measure as justifying or judging of the form of government, be it Presbyterian, or any other. And I verily beleeve, thousands that chearfully took the Covenant in reference to mutuall aid and assistance of them against our common enemies, did not know or understand what their Government was, and should they alter their government to some other forme, I hold my self bound in duty to defend them therein against our common enemy, and do judg the honourable Parliament of Scotland as free to alter, as for ours to establish what God shall direct them, and the people there as free to move for the removall of any thing they find prejudiciall in their goverment, as we are here.

By the next words in the Covenant, I binde my selfe (in like manner) to indevour the reformation of Religion in the Kingdoms of England and Ireland, in doctrine, worship, discipline and Government, according to the word of God, and the example of the best reformed Churches: here the Word [3] of God is my particular and expresse rule, for the best Reformed Churches may need reformation, and can at best only minister an occasion of consideration of what is good in them, and agreeable to that word, but that word is still my unerring rule, and not reformed Churches. Withall, so farre as reformed Churches are in use in this case, I could not but esteem that Church the best reformed, where no coercive power is admitted, where there is no compulsion or molestation for Conscience sake, or matters of Religion, the word of God being clear and evident in that point. And truly so far as matters of Conscience and Religion can be intrusted (for I conceive no truly consciencious person in the world can absolutely intrust the regulation of his Conscience in the worship of God to any authority) but so far as it can, in this Nation of ours, I am certain it belongeth onely to the Parliament to judge what is agreeable to the word of God and not unto the Assembly, who were conveened by the Parliament to hear their advice, but reserving all power of determination to themselves, as no wise delegable to any others, and God hath blessed all their undertakings in a wonderfull manner, by the hands of Conscienscious people, because of their just and tender regard unto their freedom in Religion, notwithstanding all importunity to the contrary.

And where in the next place I bound my self to endeavour to bring the Churches of God in the three Kingdoms to the nearest conjunction and uniformity in Religion, confession of Faith, forme of Church goverment, Directory for Worship and Catechisme, I conceive my bond is of force onely as I understand these or any of these to be agreeable to the word of God (which I must understand with my own understanding, and not by any others) and then also my endeavour for conformity, must be only by lawfull and just means, not by compulsion or enforcement, but by love, light, and argument: which was the way of our blessed Saviour and his Apostles, and in so doing, wee and our posterity after us may live in faith and love, & the Lord may delight to dwell in the middest of us: for God is love, and he that dwelleth in love, dwelleth in God, and God in him: Nor do I conceive the Conscience of the Parliament to be any otherwise obliged, then a particular mans Conscience, their votes and results being issues of particulars, and as they only are intrusted, so I trust and am confident they will understand with their owne understandings, and preserve us in our liberties, not only as we are men, but (Christians namely, in a liberty to be fully perswaded in our own minds, in all things appertaining to Gods worship,) and protect us in the peaceable practice of our consciences, against all kinds of molestation.

And how strange soever this may seem to you, unto me it seemeth most equal: because otherwise, a consciencious man (that of all men is the most precious in the sight of God, and should be so in the judgement of law and authority) of all men would be the least free, and most liable to disturbance, for allow unto such a one all the comforts that this world can afford, and but abridge him of his liberty of worshipping God according to his Conscience, his life in an instant becomes burthensome to him, his other contentments are of no esteeme, and you bring his gray hairs with extreame sorrow to the grave: for of all liberty liberty of Conscience is the greatest: and where that is not: a true Christian findeth none.

In the second Article I bound my selfe to endeavour the extirpation of heresie, schisme and whatsoever shal be found contrary to sound doctrine &c. Whereby it is supposed and urged that I am expressely bound against liberty of Conscience; but as I said before: judge not according to appearance, but judge righteous judgement: by heresie you understand all doctrines that are not agreeable unto yours: though you are not infallible: by schisme you understand the declining or forsaking the Presbyterian Government or congregations: in which sence you were a schisme from the Prelaticall Church: (but I entreat you speedily to explain by grounds of scripture what heresie is, and what schisme is: to which you will stand.) Most commonly by heresiy in the covenant, you understand heretick, and by schisme schismatick, and where in the covenant the word extirpation is applyed to heresie and schism, you apply it to the rooting up of hereticks: and schismaticks: but in all this I conceive you are extreamly mistaken.

However, when I tooke the Covenant I considered what heresie was, and I found that heresie is not: but where a man forsakes an infallible and knowne truth, and professeth the contrarie, for vile and worldy respects, as may appear by the words of the Apostle, to Titus, Chap. 3. v. 10. 11. A man that is an heretick, after the first or second admonition reject: knowing that he that is such, is subverted, and sinneth, being condemned of himselfe, so as if I should know that you in the Bishops time did understand and beleeve upon sure grounds of scripture, that libertie of Conscience was due to every Christian, and in respect unto the truth thereof did plead and suffer for the same: and yet after that by the justice of this Parliament, you were delivered from that oppression and molestation for conscience sake: and stated in freedom: if after this, to gain honour profit or preferment, you shall be so subverted, as to practice the same oppression towards others, (that differ with you in judgement or way of worship) as was injuriously inflicted upon you: and strongly and clamourously, importune for power to suppresse consciencious people, this scripture as I conceive, judges you an heretick: one that sinneth, and is subverted and condemned of himselfe: if your conscience condernne you, God you know is greater then your Conscience, and will not acquit you. I dare not peremptorily take upon me to judge you in this sad condition, but that error in judgement, or blindnes in understanding, though very erronious and grosse, is heresie, I do not beleeve, but do rather conceive it an invention of some corrupt Clergy-men (to cause hatred among the people about opinions, thereby to divide them in affection, it being their maxim, (as well as other polititians) divide and master them,) and to have some colour of enforcing their interpretation of scripture as a rule upon all men, and to punish all opposers. And truly you shal do a good office if you shall open the eies of your friends in this particular, and not suffer them any longer to judge according to the rule of corrupt prelats and persecuting bishops, nor continue so violent against such as differ from them in judgment, but to judge others to bee consciencious as well as themselves, and beare with others, as they would be born withall themselves: being ever mindfull that none are now infallible.

And as concerning schism, I judge it not to be, but where an unpeaceable, and violent perversnesse appeareth, a disposition impossible to hold fellowship withall, and hee onely a schismatick that is such, and not an honest quiet spirited person, that out of conscience and difference in judgement, cannot walk in Church fellowship with me, this being also another invention, (as I beleeve) of corrupt prelats and persecuting bishops, to find occasion against Consciencious people, and by vexing them, to make them draw in their yoak, wherein also you shall doe well to open the eies of your friends, and help them to distinguish rightly of heresie and schisme, that so they may know what they have covenanted to extirpate, and what not.

And though I should find such heresies and schismes, and am bound by my Covenant to extirpate them; I must doe it in a way that is justifiable, I must not (as you seem to judge) endeavour to root out the hereticks and schismaticks, by banishment imprisonment or death, but by gentle and Christian means: that is, by perswasion, admonition, and information endeavour to reclaime them, and when that availeth not, I am only to reject them: or to hold no familiar society with them; According to this sence I took these two articles of our Nationall Covenant, and so did divers others that I know, nor do I discerne that I strained the naturall or genuine sence thereof in a tittle. If I am mistaken, I shall thank you or any other by grounds of scripture to shew me my error, but if this sence be good, you had need to warne your friends to take heed what they heare, for strange inferences are made from those two articles in the covenant: but I hope what I have said will satisfie all considerate consciences, and suffice to acquit me from breach of covenant, though I earnestly endeavour for liberty of conscience, wherein I am fully perswaded, the glory and truth of God, and good of all mankind is really involved; otherwise I would never have moved my tongue or pen in this argument.

And if I shall be so happy by what I have done, as to bee an instrument to reduce you into a charitable demeanor towards tender Consciences, I shall rejoyce more then to see a miracle: for I still remaine most earnestly desirous of your reformation, and eternall happinesse.

THE WORLD IS TURNED UPSIDE DOWN.

To the Tune of, When the King enioys his own again.

LIsten to me and you shall hear,

News hath not been this thousand year:

Since Herod, Cæsar, and many more,

You never heard the like before.

Holy-dayes are despis’d,

New fashions are devis’d.

Old Christmas is kickt out of Town.

Yet let’s be content, and the times lament,

You see the world turn’d upside down.

The wise men did rejoyce to see

Our Saviour Christs Nativity:

The Angels did good tidings bring,

The Sheepheards did rejoyce and sing.

Let all honest men,

Take example by them,

Why should we from good Laws be bound?

Yet let’s be content, &c.

Command is given, we must obey,

And quite forget old Christmas day:

Kill a thousand men, or a Town regain,

We will give thanks and praise amain.

The wine pot shall clinke,

We will feast and drinke.

And then strange motions will abound.

Yet let’s be content, &c.

Our Lords and Knights, and Gentry too,

Doe mean old fashions to forgot:

They set a porter at the gate,

That none must enter in thereat.

They count it a sin,

When poor people come in.

Hospitality it selfe is drown’d.

Yet let’s be content, &c.

The serving men doe sit and whine,

And thinke it long ere dinner time:

The Butler’s still out of the way,

Or else my Lady keeps the key,

The poor old cook,

In the larder doth look,

Where is no goodnesse to be found,

Yet let’s be content, &c.

To conclude, I’le tell you news that’s right,

Christmas was kil’d at Nasbie fight:

Charity was slain at that same time,

Jack Tell troth too, a friend of mine,

Likewise then did die,

Rost beef and shred pie,

Pig, Goose and Capon no quarter found.

Yet let’s be content, and the times lament,

You see the world is quite turn’d round.

The Copie of a letter written unto the worthy Member of the Honourable house of Commons, Mr. Henry Martin, Apr. the 18. Anno 1646.

THe many guifts and graces displaying themselves in you, and by them setting forth your zeal to Gods glory, and your Native Countries welfare, together with the hopes of comfort we apprehend in the restoration unto the place you possessed, when the Ordinance of Parliament passed for release of prisoners for debt, and others as unjustly restrained; incourages me to addresse my self unto you, not only in mine own particular, but also, for and in the behalf of all, suffering imprisonment for Debt, in those times in which the whole Kingdome is become Banckrupt; and inforced by a strong hand to work his peace for the restoration of her Liberty, Laws, and Religion in its purity, according to the &illegible; and only rule, The Word of God. Yet we poor creatures, whom the Lord by his just afflicting hand, hath berest of all their estates, through severall crosses and losses by Sea and Land, are still afflicted, imprisoned, and oppressed by those, who doubtlesse in their hearts, conceit themselves wiser then their Creator, and by that their phantastick wisdome, endeavour, by most cruell oppression and tyranny, over their brethren (like to the Alcumist) to extract something out of nothing; viz. Satisfaction of debts out of their Brethren, who have nothing, being berest long before by the just hand of heaven. Onely here is the difference; The Lord after his just judgement inflicted on us, did in mercy suffer us still to enjoy the liberty of our persons, and thereby the future use of our endeavours for subsistence, and the common ayre to breath in; But these most cruel,Mich. 7. 1, 3, 1, 5, 6. mercilesse, unjust, persecuting Nimrods, have not only (by that abominable Statute of Bancrupt) berest us of all the remainder of our Estates, to the very covering of our nakednesse; but also have most cruelly shut us up in their severall prison houses for 8. 10. 20. yeers 30. yeers together, There their blood thirstie Soules (like so many Cainballs) feeding upon our bodies and lives, thinking to extract satisfaction for their debts out of the very ruins of our poore soules and lives, depriving us (in these their soul-destroying houses) of the very ayre, by the Lord alotted in common to every Creature to breath in, where our conditions is farre worse then the fellons case, who commonly within 2. or 3. moneths after their Commitment to prison, are by the Law, either aquitted of their Imprisonment, or by deprivation of life released out of their miserable sufferings; whereas our misery of Imprisonment for Debt, is continued many yeeres, and seldome ends, but by a violent (untimely, or naturall) deprivation of our lives in extreame misery.

Shall we the Inhabitants of England, who professe the true Knowledge, Honour, Love, and feare of God, and the Rule of true Christian Charity. prove more cruel to our Brethren and fellow Members of the same Common Wealth, then Turkes and Pagans, who knowes not God in a saving way, or the unjust judge in the Gospel who cared neither for God nor man, yet because of the poore widdowes uncessant importunity, he did her justice, by granting her just request, (God forbid) farre be it, from this so knowing a nation, to mock God thus, in slighting, and neglecting him their Just and dreadfull God, in these his three chiefest attributes, of Mercy, Judgement, and Justice, in stopping their eares from the hearing lamentable cries, of the oppressed, and becoming dumb to speak in the behalfe of the afflicted, oppressed, and long imprisoned, or to judge their righteous cause in a free current without respect of persons, and yet (with greife of heart be if spoken) our severall uncessant humble requests, have now continued more then Five yeeres, crying, knocking, and calling at the doores of the honourable Assembly of Parliament; for Justice, and Release, from this our unjustly inslaved Thraldome; But hitherto have we reaped no fruits of our humble and just desires; For their faces have been bid, & their eares stopped against the cryes of our afflictions, so that (as yet) none of our oppressions and wrongfull sufferings are redressed (as in duty both to God and Man, they ought long since to have bin) and then doubtlesse our enemies had bin long ere this time at peace with us, & the Land should have injoyed rest; For when the wayes of men please the Lord, then (and not till then) shall their very enemies be at peace with them; For what do I require of thee O man saith the Lord; but to execute Justice, to love mercy, and to walk humbly with thy God, to relieve the Widdow, the Fatherlesse, and the stranger, and to let the oppressed, and long imprisoned go free; for in these things I delight saith the Lord: But my soule abhoreth the wayes, of wickednesse, Injustice, Tyrannie, and Oppression.

The long neglect of Justice (I think) hath brought downe these heavie Judgements from the just hand of heaven upon this Kingdome in speciall, where God and his Statutes are so cleerly known, but whether they be as truly practised or not, I refer to your Judgement, and to the due consideration of all such as truly love and feare God.

For now ye purpose to keepe under the People of God for Bond men and Bond women unto you; But are there not with, you even with you, sinnes against the Lord your God? And because we have not from the first sought the Lord, after a due order, and in the true practice and faithfull execution of Justice, Judgement, and mercy: Therefore hath the Lord God made this breach upon us, as at this day to the Kingdomes woe.

The neglect of Justice, Judgment, and mercie (and the practise of the contrary by the Israelites) informed the Lord to become an enemy unto them, to swallow them up by his judgments of Plague, Pestilence, Famine, and the Sword, and also to destroy all their strong holds and places of habytation in the Land, and to increase unto &illegible; Mourning, Lamentation, and Woe, and can we, who are guilty of the same transgressions (if not more) being but wild branches of that Olive tree, presume to receive more favours from the hand of that most just God, then those his peculiar chosen people the Israelites? Certainly no, For what measure ye mere unto the poor, afflicted, and oppressed, shall be measured to you again, Oh that there were some just Jehoshaphat, to give some speedy and strict charge, for the due execution of justice, between man and man, in a free current without respect of persons, and without the taking of Fees, Gifts, (alias Bribes) and otherwise stiled New-years gifts. The 2d. of Chron. 19. 5, 6, 7, 9. 10. verses. Or that there were in that honourable Assembly, some undaunted zealous Nehemiah, to stand up for the birth-right and just liberty of his brethren (according to the true intent of his being called to that place of trust) & to inforce justices, take its free current without respect of persons (or the wages of Balaam) in despight of all wicked, abhominable, opposers of the same: Nehem. 5. 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12. verses. And I wish also from my heart, that the 58, and 59. Chapters of Isaiah, the 58. Psalme, the 6. of Jeremiah, and the 22. of Ezekiel, were truly looked into, piously considered, and well weighed by all the Inhabitants of the Land, from the highest euen to the lowest of them, and that they might open their mouthes in the cause of the oppressed, and such as are appointed (by cruelty and tyranny) for destruction, that they might open their monthes and judge righteousnesse, and plead the cause of the poor and needy.

I will say no more for this present, but onely from my poor oppressed and afflicted soul, most earnestly and uncessantly wish and pray for the prosperity of Sion, and the peace and flourishing state of this Kingdome. Beseeching you also in the bowels of compassion to think upon your afflicted, oppressed, and long-imprisoned Brethren, to cast your eyes upon these inclosed papers; Intituled, An Appeal to Heaven; and the other called, A Declaration and appeal to all the free-born People of England; and then (as the Lord shall direct you) to prove a Moses for our delivery out of this Egyptian bondage of unjust imprisonment, which is the most earnest and humble sute of him who is and will be

Woe unto that Kingdome and people, where the wicked walke on every side (without controul) and the vilest men are exalted to places of eminencie and trust,Isai. 10. 1, 2, 3, 4. that they may oppresse and do violence with both hands, yea, that they may the more effectually exercise their cruel tyranny of injustice and oppression (without let or hindrance) upon the poore, the needy, the afflicted, oppressed, and long imprisoned, in especiall upon such as honour, love, and feare God, and most earnestly wish the peace and prosperity of this Kingdome, some such as these have been brought to most untimely ends by Jaylor, and their substitutes, others quite lamed by their Iron fetters, others of them have suffered unjustly, most cruel and heavie afflictions in severall prison houses and denns of cruelty, from some (eminently supports) Jaylors, and their cruel substitutes, yet hitherto none of these oppressed Christians have been righted; but rather discouraged from seeking any redresse, their severall Articles exibited against Jaylors, extreamly slighted, and themselves still exposed to the inhumane rage and unlimited crueltie of these Jaylors, and their hellish substitutes, to be by them (if not murthered) yet beaten, abused, reviled daily, and starved to death, and decreppit by Irons, for instance the prisons of the Kings Bench, the Fleete, and Newgate.

Behould they tread upon the poore, they afflict the needy, they murther the innocent, and crush the prisoners under their feet, before the face of the most high, not regarding the Lord of Hosts, nor his Power, nor his Justice, nor his Judgements, although he hath divided them, in setting the Prince against the people, the Father against the Sonne, and one friend against another, and hath set the sword as a destroyer of them all, yet they still provoke the Lord of Hosts, the God of Justice unto wrath and indignation against themselves, by neglecting the due execution of Justice, Judgements and mercy, in a free current (without respect of persons, and the wages of Balaam) &illegible; Fees, Newyeers-gifts, and Bribes: It seemeth &illegible; Riddle, not only to me, but also to many thousands in the Kingdome, that the greatest Contest betweene King and Parliament, being for the Liberty of the subiect (and hath been the cause of so much efusian of Christion blood for almost 5. yeers together) the Peers of the Realme constantly enjoying the same, and yet the commonalty hitherto most unjustly debarred of the same, and still inslaved (as formerly) unto the arbitrary will and power of a few mercinarie Lawyers whose profession and gayne inslaves them to the will and disposition of the very worst and skum of men and women, and ingages them (as hirelings) to maintaine their cause at any barre of justice (so called) for the price of iniquity; I meane for their fee of ten or twenty shillings, be the cause never so bace and unjust, so by them mayntained. It is therefore to be considered, whether it be agreeable to justice, and the freedome and prosperity of this Nation, that the prosperity and flourishing state of a few Lawyers, Atturneys, Jaylours, and their adherents should be preserved before, the just liberty, peace, and well being of this whole Nation and their posterities, and whether it savour of Christianity or any Charity, to inslave your brethren to their works, and unjust wills, & to coope them up (as a bird in a cage) in your prison houses, and not to provide for their subsistence there, or for their determinate time of delivery from thence; but expose them to the oppression of their adversaries, and the severall mercies cruelties of Jaylors and their cruell substitutes for many yeers, or whether the inrichment of a few Lawyers, Atturneys, Solicitors, Clarkes and Jaylors, be to be preferred before the flourishing Peace and tranquility of this whole Nation, and also whether it be according to Gods Law (whose people we professe our selves to be) that justice should not be executed nor administred unto the poore of the Land in particular, nor to all in generall, without the price and reward of iniquity, I meane without paying to Judges, Lawyers, Atturneys, Clarkes, Jaylours, their deputies and servants, their severall great (unjust) exacting Fees, Fees I say, and Newyeers gifts (besides Bribes) for expedition, and setting downe of a sause for hearing, or else it may be staved off by many jugling tricks and devices of our Lawyers from being heard, since the 44th. yeer of Queene Elizabeths Rayne untill this present, especially in the Court of Chancery, where the succeeding Orders (like so many vipers) still &illegible; up and devour all the preceeding Orders, of that Court, and one cause of 40. l. value, produceth at the least 700. severall orders before it be determined, and the expence of that Suite (on the Plaintifs part only) amount unto 2500. l. at the least, these and such like causes (and the severall commitments upon the same) makes Lawyers and Jaylours laugh, and both plantiff and defendant to come heavily home by weeping crosse, to the utter ruin of them and their posterity, and at the last inforces them to sell their Lands to their Lawyers, and Atturneys. We reade that Samuel judged Jsrael many yeeres, yet we reade not, that he nor any of his Servants and subordinate Officers exacted or recived any fees and rewards of the people for the administration of Justice, or that the people were barred from pleading their causes (but only by Lawyers, Advocates, and Atturneys) or that ever there were such a generation of men, or Instruments of contention knowne, or appointed by Gods Law, to the overthrowing of many a poore and righteous mans cause, by their severall tricks and unjust devices tending meerly for their owne ends, and sell-advantage of private gayne, although to the apparent inslaving of the Nation, and ruine of the People.

Who, but some Lawyers, are (for these 5. yeeres past) conceived to be the only obstructors of Magna Charta, in poynt of the Subjects Liberty, and inslaving their persons in their severall prison-houses, notwithstanding the peoples severall Remonstrances, Petitions, Declarations, and appeales unto the honourable houses of Parliament, and Commonalty of the Land, and instead of reliefe, their miseries have been augmented to them, by the crueltie of Jaylors (who are countenanced) and the poore Prisoners complaints, rejected and themselves discouraged from exhibiting any further complaints against them, for Justice and Reliefe? who but Lawyers make merchandise of Justice, and confine the practise of the same, unto the Latine Tongue, and Pedlars French, like unto the Masse Priests, who in like manner confine the Service of God to the Latine Tongue that they may make merchandise of the word of God, and by keeping the people in Ignorance, inforce them (like slaves) to walke by their light, as the Lawyers and Atturneys do by this Nation; For their Tongues devise mischief, working deceitfully, because they love evill more then good, contention more then Peace, and lying, and swearing, more then to speak the truth, because contention, strife, and debate, is the only thing that brings the price of gayne, Riches, Honour, and Presetment unto their Miti of contention and profession.

The Lord in mercy looke upon the deplorable, afflicted, oppressed, and distressed Estate of this distracted Kingdome, and now at the last (after five yeeres expectation) be pleased to open the eyes, and incline the hearts of the honourable Assembly in Parliament, unto the speedy and free execution and administration of Justice, Judgment, and Mercy, in a cleere current without respect of persons, or the wages of Balam, that so the wrath of God may be appeased, his present Judgements diverted, and the poore, afflicted, oppressed, and long imprisoned,Psal. 123. 4. relieved and released, and also inabled to reape the fruits of justice against their oppressours. And the high and honourable Court of Parliament also,Psal. 140. 3. thereby cleerly acquitted of and from the severall blemithes fastued on them (not only in this Kingdome but also in other Countries) for the neglect of the due administration of Justice (according to expectation upon their first Summons and convening) and the restoration of the Commonalty unto their just and ancient Birth-right of Liberty,Psal. 142. 6. according to Magna Charta, and the late Petition of Right, ratified and confirmed by his now Majesty, more then 4. yeers since.

I do also therefore in all humility, most humbly, and earnestly, implore the high and Honourable Assembly, Piously to consider, That the miseries happening to one man, at one time, may redound to another man the next, and that the same divine hand of power which at the first, did cast us downe into the dust of reproach, misery, and oppression, is also able at his pleasure, to bring the mightiest, the richest, yea, the proudest downe to the like dust of misery, and bands of oppression; Beseeching them also to consider, that if any their carses were the same with us, whether, they then would be willing & contented thus to suffer, & to be oppressed by the indirect practise of the Law, and Tyrannie of Jaylors, and their hellish Instruments; To be by them close imprisoned, put in Irons, starved, yea murthered in Goale (I trowe not) yea, I am consident that they would account it a great measure of cruelty inflicted on them, or their posterity; and have not many thousands of ancient families in this Kingdome, (by imprisonment) been brought to utter ruine and destruction, and have not I knowne divers personages, nobly desended of very ancient Families in this Kingdome, that have perished miserably in Goal, and their misery not pittied by any, nor their death no more regarded by the Jaylour, nor any his Substitutes, then the barking of a Dogg. These things piously considered (according to the Rule of Christian Charity) it is then to be wished, that the sacred Rule of our Saviour Christ might speedily be put in practice amongst the Innabitants of this Land; from the highest to the lowest of them. To do as we desire others should &illegible; to us, and not like Camballs, out of meere malice and revenge, (and the great gayne by contention) to devoure one another in prison houses, that so the God of Justice, Love, Mercy, and Peace, may receive us againe to mercy, and returne unto us, with healing in his wings. For behold, wickednesse and oppression shall not deliver those that are given to it,Note this &illegible; And there is a time wherein one man ruleth over another, to his own burs, And because sentence against evill doers is not speedily executed; therefore the hearts of the Sons of Belial is fully set in them to do evill with both hands: For they lye in wayte for blood, they haunt their Brethren with the net of cruelty and oppression. The best of them is as a Briar, or as a Thorny bedge unto his &illegible; afflicted Brother; And if it be not so now, who will make &illegible; a lyer, and make this my speech nothing worth, Jobe 14. 25. For thus saith the Lord, who art them, that &illegible; shouldest be afraid of men that shall die, and the Sons of men which shall be made as Grasse, and forgestest the Lord thy maker, because of the fury of the oppressour, as if he were ready to destroy; Feare not the reproach of men, be not dismald at their lookes, neither be afraid of their revilinge; for the Moth and the Worm shall eat them, horror, confusion, and eternall destruction shall take hold of them. And where (then) is the fury of the oppressour? I am he that comfort thee; for I am a just, and a righteous God, who bring Princes to nothing, and make all the Judges of the Earth as vanity; Therefore fear not man, whose breath is in his Nosthrils, for wherein is he to be accompted of; Behold I the Lord execute Righteousnesse and Judgement, for all that be oppressed; Therefore be not afraid of their faces, nor of their haughty and proud looks, for I am with thee.

Imprisonment may be compared to Hell

Where punishment, among them shall excell,

And Hels musick is, to curse and swear

And ban, their wicked friends, so do they there;

As they in Hell, shall daily howl and cry,

For to obtain some case, or liberty,

So men in prison daily make complaint,

How they with grief and hunger pine and faint,

And are tormented by the Jaylors still

With iron fetters, abused at their will:

Yet these unto Delinquents, Traytors, Papists, Knaves,

Yeild liberty, give moneys, onely make us slaves,

That loyall are, no Enemies to th’ state;

This is our lot, this is our cruell fate,

And fruits we reap for our fidelity,

From these vile &illegible; of all disloyalty,

Who most of them being none other then,

Fiends of hell, walking in shapes of men,

Acting &illegible; pleasure, on us all

That are their captives, lying in Bonds and thrall:

Yet we these five years past, no right can have

Though we the same full oft with tears did crave,

Of King and Parliament to grant, but that

Which they themselves full oft, have sworn flat,

For to maintain, the liberties and right

Of five-born Subjects, and thereto have plight

Their faith, their covenant, and their Protestation,

Yet for all this, we still reap molestation,

Anguish and sorrow, afflicts our hearts and will,

Cruelty of Jaylors, doth torment us still:

If Lawes, if oaths, if vowes, if Protestation,

If covenant with God, produce such reformation,

Then Judges, Lawyers, Atturneys, Jaylors, all

This Kingdomes glory, unto your lot must fall.

Then Bribes and Fees all Hellish gain,

Shall flourish to the peoples pain,

And sorrow grief and misery,

Shall still possesse the Commonalty,

For justice, judgement, and mercy,

Are grounded on true piety,

But want of justice in this land,

Hath brought on all, Gods heavie hand.

Be carefull then, suppresse the Imphes, make sure

Your Rights and Liberties, may still endure

To future ages, posterity then may

Have cause, to blesse your memories for aye:

For God, is God of Unity, of Love, and Peace alone,

But these men for deceit and strife,

the like of them there’s none.

Probatum est.

For whatsoever is not of God is from the Divell. But injustice, contention (and the instruments of the same) Oppression, Bribery, imprisonment of men unjustly, starving, and murthering of men in Goal, are not from God; Therefore from the Divell: And whosoever doth them, doth the will of his father the Divell; for he is a murtherer from the beginning, and the grand Enemy to Justice, Love, Mercy, and Peace. Therefore if we be of God, we must then do the works of God, and manifest the fruits of the same. And these are the works of God; To execute justice and judgement, to shew mercy, to relieve the Widdow, the fatherlesse, and the stranger, and to let the oppressed go free. Let us therefore now at the last (by suppressing of Contention, Injustice, Tyranny, and Oppression, and the wicked instruments of the same; And by a speedy administration of justice, judgement, and mercy) try the Lord our God, and see if the Lord will not forthwith powr down his mercies on us, withdraw his present judgements (of Devision, Sword, and Plague) from us, and heal the Land; and so become a father of mercies, a God of comfort and consolation, unto us, and our posterity after us.

It is to be wished, that the Lawes of England favoured of as much justice and mercy, and were but as truly executed without respect of persons, as the Lawes of some Forraign Nations are, & that there were some honest men appointed, for the Visitation of Prisons every first Munday in the Month, for to restrain the cruelty of Jaylours, and to know the causes of mens Imprisonment; To whom the prisoner declaring himself by Petition, declares the reall value of his estate (and as in the presence of God, affirms the contents of his Petition to be the whole truth) unto which the Commissioners then subscribe. Let the Creditors see this Petition, and by the next Visitation day, either disprove the contents thereof, or else the Petitioner to be set free, upon the assignement of the two third parts of the said declared Estate unto them. In the mean time, the Creditors, or party imprisoning the Debtor, are to take care for his subsistance in Goal, and to discharge all just Prison fees.

And if the Creditor happen to disprove the said Debtors Petition before the said Commissioners, and prove that he hath concealed some part of his estate; then (for a punishment to such a deceiver) his whole estate is, by the said Commissioners assigned to the Creditors, and both he, his wife, and children, deprived of their third part of the same; and the said fraudulent Debtor is then also adjudged to stand in the Pillory (and a hole punched or bored through his ear.) But upon the Debtors discovery of his whole estate (be it more or lesse) really and truly, then the Commissioners do forthwith assigne two third parts of the said estate to the Creditors, and the other part thereof unto the said Debtor, for and towards the future subsistence of himself and his wife, and education of his children: And further, that if any Debtor, do of purpose take up goods & monies, with an intent to defraud (and take a prisoner as his surety) by assigning over in trust the said estate to some of his friends (this being proved) then the said Commissioners have power to assigne all the said estate unto the Creditors, prohibiting (by proclamation) all persons from paying or delivering unto the said cheating Debtor any monies, goods, or Lands, or to any other persons for his use, but only unto the Creditors; And the said Cheator or fraudulent Debtor, is then also adjudged to stand three hours in the Pillory, and to have then both his Nosthrils slit up (by the common Hangman) or some base Hounds-Cut:) Such a course as this, truly and justly put in execution here in England, would soon increase the number of honest men, and produce (if not inforce) honest and plainer dealing, from, and amongst all men, and it would also destroy the great number of Deceivers, Oppressors, Extortioners, and Gentlemen-cheaters, as well as common-Cheaters, and all Knights of the Post, common Bail-men, and all such cunny-catching deceitfull companions. The opening of this gap (I doubt not) will draw upon me, the rage and malice (if not the curse) of all Knights and Gentlemen Jaylours and their Substitutes, as also the revengefull fury of some evill-minded Lawyers, Atturneys, Clarkes, Soliciters, Sergeants, and Bumbayliffes: From whose Milles (by this meanes) the great gainfull waters of contention, fraud, injustice, and oppression, will be dreyned dry, theit deceitfull craft fall to the ground, and their Goddesse Diana quite drowned in the Sea of Englands Peace and Tranquility.

Truth from Injustice, may hap to reap some Blame,

Yet truth shall stand, Injustice shall reap the shame.

SINCE, (as the Scripture speaketh) no man hateth his own flesh, but loveth and cherisheth it; and that naturally, every man seeketh his owne good: it is very strange, (seeing we have the helpe of reason, of experience, of the Word of God) that the right way, which leadeth to that end, should be so hard, and difficult to be found, certainly, it cannot be so in it self; God hath been more good to man, then to make things necessary hard to come by.

The difficulty will rather be found to arise by our own default, from our want of a patient, setted, serious, and religious consideration of things, wherby we are continually liable upon all occasions to be misled, either by our owne evill and eager desires, or by the evill examples of others, or by evill (though long setled) customes; or by the perswasions of politique deceivers, into such wayes, which though they seeme to be strewed with Roses and perfumes, yet are the wayes of death, and when we least suspect, bring us to destruction.

Our blessed Saviour therefore bids us to be wise as Serpents, because whilst we live in this world we have to do with Serpents, and to beware to wolves that come to us in sheepes clothing; To be innocent as doves, is a most blessed temper of spirit, but very unsafe and liable to every ginne, and bird of prey, if the wisdome of the Serpent be not joyned therewith: Now all the helps of reason, of experience or the word of God, produce not this wisdom without consideration; advised, deliberate consideration, (such as few in this Nation are accustomed unto) without which that which is called knowledg or understanding, is not true knowledge nor understanding, serving to no publique use at all, except to distract and distemper, and vex and destroy a Nation. It is the voyce of God himselfe: my People will not consider, they will not understand, without consideration it is impossible to understand anything as we ought, & without understanding (true considerate understanding) man is like unto the beasts that perish: nor had this Nation ever been thus miserable as it hath bin, is, and is like to be, but for want of this kind of consideration, in the People; so that it may be as truly said of this, as of the pervers, rash, inconsiderat Nation of the Jewes; thy distruction is of thy self O England. And if ever there were a cause to study & put in practice the wisdom of the Serpent: to beware of foxes that come to us in sheeps clothing: if ever there were a time requiring the uttermost of wisdom and consideration in all sorts of people, rich and poore, high and low, one with another; now there is a cause, now is the time.

For never to this day, were those who are trusted with the care of the Common wealth, so beset and surrounded with difficulties; with unexpected appearances of strange thinges, such as no age can parralell, of so high and great concernment, as the least miscarriage therein, may in a moment of time make void all their long, their faithfull and painefull endevours, and involve us all into the most misserable bondage, that ever over-whelmed any People.

And therefore (however any sort of man may delude themselves) if we doe not all joyntly and unanimously (laying aside all disaffection for differences in Judgment in Religion) patiently, setledly and seriously, deliberate and consider what every one of us ought to doe, in reference to their preservation; abandoning all passion, and willfull prosecution of perverse and prepostrous things; all jarring and repining at their proceedings; this Nation cannot be safe or happy, nay cannot but be miserable and wretched.

For the greatest and most superlative freedome, of this Nation (and wherin the safty and well-being thereof doth reside) consisteth in this; That Lawes cannot bee made. Government (Ecclesiasticall or Civill) cannot be established or Altered: Warre cannot bee levied, nor Peace concluded, nor Monyes raised, nor any thing done, but by the Authority of those whom the people themselves doe chuse for Parliament: and entrust as their Commissioners, with full and compleat power for Their good. Had it not been by this just Authority, We had never been Freed, from the Tyranies, oppressions and cruelties of the High Commission, Star-Chamber, and Councel-board: from the burthenous Execution of the Forrest-law, Court of Honor, Commissions of Waste: from the Extortions, and Exorbitances, in the Courts of justice, Chancery, Requests: from Ship-money (for remission wherof, no lesse than Twelve Subsidies were required) and from all those other innumerable Patents, Projects, Illegall warrants, and Imprisonments: Things which the whole Land long groned under; though (now removed) the benefit be unworthily forgotten, or misattributed to an Act of grace. Had it not been for this Authority; the Court of Wards had never been abolished, and that for many Ages hath oppressed the Land.

Had not this Authority, opposed; the King had been furnished with monyes to have Warred upon our Brethern of Scotland, in his first attempt upon that Nation. This Authority, in the worst of all former Times, when the strongest Force and Power was upon them, ever stuck closest to the interest of the People, nor did the People, in the worst of Times, ever forsake them, but maintained Their power, and Priveledges, their Essence and authority, whensoever they called upon them for helpe and assistance, nor hath this just and powerfull Authority been more true to the Commons that chose them, then to those worthy Lords and Patriots, that at any time have assisted them for the common good of the Nation, preserving their Honours with as true affection as the liberties of the People; no man can name the time that (intentionally) this Authority ever did injury to any just intrest either at home or abroad, but have borne and suffered much, from those that have made an ill use of their lenity and credulity.

All which is necessary to be remembred, and seriously considered in this instant of time, because if these things be seriously laid to heart, it may happily expel those poysonous vapors, with which our ayre begins to be infected, we have a generation of forgetfull, ingratefull people, who because the Parliament cannot yeild unto all they desire, (without extreame thraldom to the people, in things Ecclesiasticall and Civill) are degenerate into a malevolent disposition, murmuring and repining at all their proceedings, and making hard constructions of their Just endevours; and by politique and subtill meanes, labour to alienate the hearts of their friends from them, and to incline them to give eare to other Connsels, laying open their infirmities (which they should rather goe backward to cover) and would (if they could) possesse the world that there is a sort of men that would settle Religion more purely, performe and interpret the Covenant more exactly, and doe justice more speedily, and more sincearely then this just Authority, whom the people themselves have chosen; nay, there are fames abroad, that there are catalogues taken of any thing that may possibly beare a bad or sinister construction, to be shewed to the people, in the day of their extremity, if such a day can be procured.

And for what end all this? Why, you shall not faile to be told it is for the glory of God, the setting up of the Kingdome of Jesus Christ, and the everlasting Good of the soules of the people, and the like: but take yee heed how yee heare or give credit to these Syren songs; these charmes of Dalilah, are but to deprive Sampson of his strength, to rob the people of their Power: It is a sad proverb, but Court Logick hath proved it so frequently true, that it may be related without suspition of blasphemy. In nomine Domini incipit omne malum; When the Devill transformes himselfe into an Angell of light, to make his delusion currant, he is necessitated to use such language: For which cause our blessed Saviour advised us to be Wise as Serpents, lest wee bee beguiled by their subtill glosing dissimulations.

But as the Apostle saith in another case, If an Angell from heaven preach any other doctrine, let him be accursed. So in this case, if any, though in the shape of an Angell of light, of strength, of powers, or dominations, shall endevour, by any meanes whatsoever, to divide you from those you have chosen, either in affection, or assistance, you are to hold them for the most accursed Traitors that ever trode upon English ground, and to use all lawfull meanes to bring them to condigne punishment; being well assured, that whatsoever is pretended; the intent can be no other then to extirpate for ever the foundation of the freedom and safety of the People: which once done, a ready way is made for any thing that can make a people wretched and miserable, without hope of remedy.

And therefore be advised in time, before you are engaged too farre, and be confident, those inconveniences you have fancyed to your selves (and wherein you are like enough to be mistaken) if they should indeed prove reall ones, yet were you better to have patience, and by loving discourses and prudent meanes endevour to worke a better information, (which time may produce, as by experience in your selves you cannot but know) rather then through impatience and violent importunity, to cast your selves upon a remedy that must necessarily be destructive to the whole people of the Land: For once suppose or admit that any (pretending whatsoever, piety or authority) may more properly judge of law (or religion so far as concerns the publick) or give interpretation of oaths or covenants, or treaties, or transactions, or any thing which is of public concernment, then those whom the people have chosen: and farewel common freedom for ever, who ever those are you would so prefer, as far as in you is, in so admitting or supposing, you betray the great freedome of the Nation, and set Masters over the Parliament, then which there can be no greater Treason.

Be not flattered and deluded out of your birthright: Consider, whatever you are, you are but a part of the whole people, it is impossible that you can give the sense and mind of all the Commons of England: Nay, if you could, it is not lawfull for you to doe it, otherwise then by a becomming information, and to rest satisfied when you have so done: You are not entrusted by the People, you are not Chosen to that end: But this just Authoritie is a power chosen, and entrusted; and you are to know, that they are absolutely Free to follow the dictate of their own Understandings and Consciences, informed by the Word of God, by principles of right reason, and all other good meanes, as is most probable to conduce to the safetie and weale of the people; which they lately and worthily have declared to be the end of the Primitive Institution of all Government.

Whosoever shall tell you, that either themselves or any others will ever doe you more good then those you have chosen; make no scruple to owne them for deceivers, that Absolon-like, kisse and wooe you, of purpose, to enslave you.

What though some things may not be done so perfectly, or so inexcusably as you could wish: Consider, they are but men, subject to the same passions and infirmities as your selves; they are not like some ancient Fradulent great Councells, that have maintained the Canons and Decrees thereof to be infallible: Nay, they are so farre from such delusion, that they have many times altered their owne Orders, Ordinances, and Acts, upon further or better information, and doe not refuse, nor reject Petitions and Informations duely offered by any peaceable persons, few, or many, and as readily follow the advices of others (which they approve) as their owne immediate apprehensions and Councells.

And, as a sure testimony of their faithfulnesse and sinceritie; doe but seriously consider, how exceedingly God hath blessed them, viz. with the affections of the people, with power and strength in the field, with deliverance from many most desperate Plots, and out of many sore and difficult exigents, that their enemies have bin as Chaffe before their Armies: What force hath beene too mightie, or place too strong for their Achievement? And now, that they have all, as it were, in their owne command (by the same good providence of God) would you now, because they cannot please you in every particular, except they shall goe against their owne Consciences, gladly see them trodden upon and brought under: Surely, if you would but open your eyes, you could not but see, that the hand of God is still with them, and will not be shortned: He hath already brought low the mightie, and reproved, vanquished even Kings for their sakes, and for theirs whom they represent: And doe you now thinke, that any shall be able to lay their honour in the dust? You cannot certainly be many, that have beene thus blinded, or deluded: Nor can you possibly long continue in so bad a mind. A little consideration must necessarily change your minds, and God I trust, will prevent you with his converting grace, and will not suffer you to be tempted above your power. However, this is most visible to all considerate men, that there are multitudes of honest Religious people that remain immaculate in their affections to this Honourable Parliament, & are truly thankful for their unwearied labors, in recovery of the long lost Liberties of this great Nation, & stand firmly resolved to maintaine and defend with their lives and estates, their just power and priviledges, against all opposition, circumvention, or delusion whatsoever; And those who shall cease to doe this, through any conceived cause or provocation, they shall esteeme them the most treacherous upon earth, and not worthy the name of true Englishmen or Christians.

This, by generall discourse & observation, is found to be a knowne truth; and therefore, it is earnestly hoped, the Honourable Parliament will no whit abate of their resolutions, to make this Nation absolutely free and happie; notwithstanding the manifold new Discoveries of strange Apparitions, if they but please to consider seriously the true Englishmans temper, they will find, they have multitudes more with them then against them; and that in times to come this shall be an English Proverb, As certaine to perish, as those that openly oppose, or would secretly undermine a Parliament.

HAving lately taken upon my self that boldnesse to speak with you, as you are one of the publique Judges of the Kingdome, about an honest poor man that was unjustly and without any legall authority cast into prison, and finding a very courteous, faire and rationall carriage from your Honour towards me at that time, imboldeneth me the more at this time (being extraordinarily necessitated thereunto) to write a Letter to you in my own behalfe. I being upon the fourteenth of April last arrested at Westminster, upon an action of Trespasse, by the Bayliffes thereof, at the suit of an unjust and troublesome man, commonly called Colonell Edward King; and the Bayliffes pretended it was for so many thousand pounds (although I am confident that I never was six pence in his debt in my life) that they must have extraordinary Baile for my appearance.

So that I was forced to give them two house-keepers in Westminster, and one stranger, or else in their mercilesse hands I must remaine, although I was very hard following of my businesse to perfection with the Parliament, which hath stucke there almost six yeares, to my extraordinary cost, charge, and losse of time, and although I am confident that it is as just a cause as any is in the world, and hath so been adjudged by both Houses of Parliament, as in this inclosed printed relation you may reade.

I must ingenuously confesse that it did somewhat trouble me to be arrested in that manner, having never before in my life bin arested to my remembrance, and I was the more troubled in regard that my Ordnance for my reparation, which lastly passed in the Lords House, was depending in the House of Commons, I was affraid that it might there stick, if I were diverted from following it, and I did not know but this &illegible; &illegible; do it.

And Being in a longing expectation for the Terme, to see my Antagonists Declaration, I found in it that it is an Action of Trespasse for 2000 l. pretending that I said in October last, that Col. King was a Traytor, and I would prove him one, and for taking away his good name which I scarce believe he ever had in his life, and considering with my selfe what to do, I was resolved to make a &illegible; at the Barr of the Common Pleas (where you are the eldest, and chiefest Judge, that Col. King and I. being both Soldiers, were in that condition to be governed by the Lawes Martiall which were published with the Stamp of Parliamentary Authority by the &illegible; thereof: And he having committed many grievous crimes against the Letter and true meaning of them, I complained to the Earle of Manchester thereof, being both his Generall and mine; and at the same time, divers Gentlemen of the Committee of Lincoln, as Mr. Archer &c. having Artickles of a very high nature against him, &illegible; my Lord to a tryall of him at a Councell of Warre, and at the very same time, the Major, Aldermen and Towne Cleark of Boston, came to Lincoln to my Lord, with Artickles of a superlative nature against King their Governour, but could not get my Lord to let us injoy Justice at a Councell of Warre, according to all our expectations, and as of right we ought to have had, which at present saved his head upon his shoulders.

Yet notwithstanding others endeavoured to try whether justice could be had against him in the Parliament, and for that end, in August 1644 Mr. Mussenden, Mr. Wolley and divers others of the Committee of &illegible; did exhibit Artickle of a very high nature to the House of Commons against him, and to speake their own words in their 4th Artickle, they say.

That when he was last before &illegible; &illegible; sent for a Captaine who kept Crowland, who obeyed his command, yet sent word to him of the danger that that Towne was in, and therefore &illegible; his second pleasure which was that he should &illegible; who accordingly did, the Gentlemen of the Country, &illegible; the enemy, procured Major &illegible; to &illegible; 100. &illegible; to keepe Crowland, which he &illegible; of, tooke all, that any without order from him should come into his &illegible; and commanded &illegible; to be gone, who accordingly departed, the Enemy presently surprized the Town, and those few that he had lest in it, by which meanes he &illegible; the Town unto the Enemy, which was not regained without much charge hazard, and losse of many mens lives.

And in the 12th. Artickle, they plainly accuse him for betraying the Parliaments Garrison of &illegible; these Artickles with the rest, having there hung ever since without a finall determination, King knowing that I was a main witnes against him in divers of the things laid to his charge, and &illegible; a malignant and inveterate mallice against me, for opposing him in his unjust and unwarrantable actions, (while I was his Major, and for discovering of them, and often complayning of him to the Earle of &illegible; and Lievt. Gen. Crumwell &c.) to be revenged of me, did upon the 19th. day of July 1645, plot, &illegible; and by lying and &illegible; suggestions to some members of the House of Commons, caused me to be committed as a prisoner, and as a prisoner, by vertue of that his unjust procurement, I lay till the 14th. of October 1645. to my extraordinary charge and dammage, yea, and to the hazard of my life, as I could easily, truly, and undenyably demonstrate.

And yet neither he nor any man for him ever prosecuted any charge against me, for although I lay so long, yet was I delivered before ever I knew truly and legally wherefore I was imprisoned, as appeares by the following Coppy of my releasement.

And that King was the Instrumentall cause of my imprisonment, appeares clearly to me, by what I find recorded by his good friend and my grand enemy Mr. Prinne in the latter end of the &illegible; Page of his booke intituled the Lyer confounded, and by what I find recorded under Kings hand in the 8th. page of his co-partner. Doctor Bastwicke Booke, written against my selfe, for although Doctor Bastwick be now my bitter Enemy, and his hand be with Kings to the Information which Doctor Bastwick there saith was put into the House of Commons against me: yet I am &illegible; to thinke that King was the King leader in it, because at that time there was no visible nor professed breach of friendship betwixt Doctor Bastwick and my selfe.

Vpon which provocation by King, it might be, and I do believe it to be true, that J might be free in my discourse at severall times of King, and the forementioned charge &illegible; Treason given into the House of Commons against him, and J am very confident it will be made good by sufficient proofes and witnesses, according to the rules of Warre, when it there comes to a tryall, but do not own the words specified by him in every particular.

Therefore J conceive it unjust, irration all, and Anti-Parliamentary, for an inferiour and subordinate Court, as the Court of Common Pleas is, to medle with this businesse, it being now dependent in Parliament, the supream Court, and unjudged there as yet, although the prosecutors &illegible; at their utmost perill to prove their charge against him.

Therefore my Lord, in my apprehension, Kings former mallice manifested about my commitment, and his present bringing me before you, are meer evasions and tricks to terrify me and all others from prosecuting him in Parliament, and also (under favour) your medling with it in your Court, it being still depending in Parliament, and not by them referred to you, is an incroachment upon their Priviledges, and J am the rather confirmed in this opinion, when I seriously read over Mr. Prinnes Booke, cal’d the &illegible; of cowardice and &illegible; he being Colonell Kings very good friend and councellor, and therefore his words in this case are of the more weight and authority &illegible; 1. 12. being a professed adversary to me, who citing the Rolles of Parliament of the 1. R. 2. num. 38, 39, 40. which containes the case of &illegible; and Weston, hath these observations and inferences from them, in the 7th. page thereof.

That it is to be remembred, that Ieffery Martin Clearke of the Crown made this very Record, and delivered it thus written in this present Roll, with his own hand, therefore saith he, from this memorable Record, J shall onely observe these few particulars.

1. That the Surrender of Townes, or Castles to the Enemy, through Cowardice or Treachery, is properly examinable and tryable onely in Parliament.

Jt being a detryment to the whole Kingdome, and so fit to be determined by the representative Body of the Kingdome.

2. That the Cowardly delivering up of any Town or Castle by the Governour thereof, to the Enemy, is a Capitall Offence, deserveth death, and likewise the losse of it through his &illegible; or default.

3. That every Governour, who takes upon him the custody of any Fort or Town, is obliged in point of Trust, and duty, under Pain of DEATH to defend is to the &illegible; extremity.

4. That the concurrent consent of a Councell of Warre or Souldiers, to render up a Town to the Enemy before utmost extremity, for the saving of the Houses, Lives and Goods of the Soldiers or Inhabitants, &illegible; no excuse at all to justify or &illegible; &illegible; &illegible; Governours dishonourable &illegible; and offence.

5. That those who are accused of such an unworthy Surrender of any Town or Castle ought to be apprehended and kept in safe custody, till their Tryalls be past, and not suffered to go at large.

6. That a Governour giving timely notice of the Enemies apporach, of the weakenesse of the Garrison, his &illegible; for &illegible; &illegible; and repulsing of the Enemy for a season, will no &illegible; excuse his surrender of a Town or Castle, unlesse he hold it out to the utmost extremity, or Surrender it by the consent of those, who entrusted him with the Custody thereof.

7. That the violent Battery of the Walles, or drayning of the Dykes of any Castle or Citie, or any breach made &illegible; them by the Enemy (though extraordinary powerfull) are no sufficient causes or &illegible; for any Governour to Surrender them upon composition to the Enemy, while there is sufficient victuals, men, or ammunition to desend them; And that they must in no wise be surrendred, without consent of those who put in the &illegible; &illegible; the greatest part of the Souldier, be &illegible; the victuals or ammutionn quite spent, and all hopes of reliefe dispayred of utterly upon good grounds.

Which is cleare by the Case of Weston, who made a better defence of the Castle of Out &illegible; with 38. men onely, against more then 8000. Enemyes, (who &illegible; assaulted, battered it for 6. dayes together, with &illegible; great Commons and other Engines, and pleaded farre more in his defence of his surrender of it, then many now can do, for surrendring of Townes and Castles of far greater importance, then this Castle was, and yet for all this Weston in full Parliament, was adjudged to death for it.

Thus far the words of an adversary to me, and Kings especiall friend and councellor, and therefore of the more weight and authority. Titus 1. 12., 13.

Therefore my Lord, laying all these things together, as 1. Col. King and J being both Soldiers’ under one Generall, namely the Earl of Manchester, who was authorized by Parliament to govern his Army by Martiall Law, which Law was plainly printed by the same authority, and openly published to the view of every Commander, Officer & Souldier; for transgressing against which Artickles, many in a martiall way have lost their lives, and no other visible Rule that J knew off, was to be the Rule and Judge of our actions, or offences, but that Law, unto the power and authority of which, both Col. King and my selfe did voluntarily stoop, and therefore (as I humbly conceive) wee are not to be tryed by the Rules of the Common Law, (which I thinke no man in the world fully and truly knowes) for our actions committed in our souldier condition, which is the true cause betwixt him and me. 2. I did my duty according to the trust reposed in me, By the State Legall & representative, and by my Generall from whom I had my Commission, and according to the private commands of Lievtenant Generall Crumwel, which was to be faithfull in my place, and to complain, either of Col. King, or whomsoever I groundedly knew, did any action, that tended to the ruine of Salus &illegible; The safety of the People, or the State univresall, and he promised me upon his Honour and Reputation, that he would doe the best he could to have justice done, which is the very life of all societies or Common Wealths, and that without which, the People cannot be happy or safe; yea, & he gave me the reason, wherefore he so earnestly tyed me to it, which was because our Generall with his Army was to march out of Lincoln, Shire, and that Country being lately wonne out of the hands of the Cavaliers, there being very few of that Country at that time that desired Command under the Generall, (saith he) wee are necessitated to make use of Col. King, and to make him governour of Boston and Holland, upon whom he &illegible; then as an active popular man, who promised to do mighty things for the good of that Country, and the Publique.

But in regard divers of the chiefe men of Boston do mislike him, I have therefore (saith he) in his behalfe engaged my selfe to them for him, that he shall be faithfull, just and honest towards them, and therefore in regard I have no large experience of the man, and of his temper, I principally looke upon thee Lilbourne, and thy Lievtenant Colonel, whose faithfulnesse. I can rest upon, & for both of whom I have used my interest, to place on purpose with him, that so if he should breake out to the dishonour of my ingagement, and the detriment of the publique, I may from time to time be sure to know of it, that so it may be prevented before it be past remedy.

But King being pussed up with his Command, tooke upon him an absolute regall tyranicall authority over all his Officers, but especially those that were betrusted in Commission as well as himselfe, and to do his chiefe actions by the rule of his own will, without their privity or advice, which tended to the ruine of all that were under him, and consequently of that whole country, he having treacherously lost Crowland and Boston put in extream danger, by his absolute wilfulnesse, if not treachery, the making known whereof, with his cariages at Newarke Siedge &c. cost me in sending posts to the Earle of Manchester, and Lievtenant Generall Crumwell, then, in or about Camebridge, I am very confident 20. or 10. l. which so madded him, that he imprisoned Major Rogers for dating to go and complain against him, I being in those straights in regard of the charge I had taken upon me, that I durst not stir my selfe, till all was cleare, without feare or danger of an enemy, he having already by the Law of his own will, &illegible; his Lievtenant Colonell, without ground or cause, and endeavoured the apparent destruction of Capt. Camebridge, and all the honest, zealous and conscientious men, under his command, which to me was an ill Omen of his intentions.

Therefore I say, so soon as I durst leave my charge, I &illegible; away to Bedford, where I found my Generall, and Lievetenant Generall Crumwell, and could them both fully of Kings cariage, and that he commanded his forces to march forward and backward, where, and when he pleased, without the advice, &illegible; and consent of his Field Officers &c. who were to ingage their lives a thousand times more then himselfe, in managing the designes he let them about, and that the Committee of Lincolnshare had paid him diverse thousands of pound, to pay his Officers and Souldiers at Newarke Sledge, but J could not heare that he paid one penny to any Officer there, and for my own part J am sure J could not get a penny from him, although J am confident J tooke as much paines both night and day, and hazarded my person as freely, and as often as any Major at that Leaguer did.

So likewise, although the Country sent in great store of provision for his Regiment gratis, yet he and his under Sutlers, made both my selfe and other of his Officers and Souldiers, pay ready money for a great part of it, to their extraordinary &illegible; provoking them thereby to mutiny, and so full was he of arrogancy pride and contention (contesting with and, or most of the chiefe Commanders there) that Sir Iohn Mildrum told me, that he &illegible; such a fire of contention amongst them that he dorst scarce call a Councell of Warre to confuse how to manage their busines, for fear King should set them all together by the carres, and so destroy the busines, being there continually in contestation with my Lord willoughby, Col. &illegible; Sir Mytes Hubbard, Sir Iohn Pagraffe and divers of the Lincoln Committee &c. which did so trouble and distract the old Knight Sir Iohn Meldrum, our commander in chiefe, that he knew not well what to do, when Rupert came upon us, by reason of our own distractions a-among our selves.

And I dare confidently averre it upon my conscience, that hee (namely King) was one of the greatest instruments of our overthrow and ruine, and therefore if Thomas Earle of Lancaster, (as Mr. Prinne in the a page of the foresaid booke recordeth) was proclaimed a Traytor, by the whole Army in the 12. yeare of King Edward the second; for departing in discontent from the Army, at the siege of Barwick, by meanes whereof it was not taken, and the siege raised; then I desire to know what Colonell King deserveth, that at the siege of Newark carried himselfe so, that hee did raise discontents, and little better then mutinies, by meanes whereof the siege was not only raised, but the whole Army in a manner destroyed, to the extraordinary danger of the whole Kingdome.

I also told my Lord that after the articles of agreement was concluded, Colonell King commanded, (and in a manner forced me) contrary to the Agreement, to march away his Regiment in a hostill manner, with their armes, &c. by meanes of which we were set upon by their horse, and forcibly disarmed, which did also occasion the plundering of us, as violaters of our Covenant and contract; to the disparagement of the whole army, yea, and the Parliament it selfe, and to the extreme hazard and danger of abundance of our lives; yet King was so honest, and valiant, that as soone as he saw the storme fall upon us, he fairely left us, and shifted for himselfe, without being plundered as we were, at which bout I lost well nigh 100 l, being plundered from the crowne of my head to the sole of my soot.

I further told him, that the Towne of Boston had been in extreame danger, for after &illegible; was discerted, and Ruperts forces possessed of it, and daily newes brought into Boston, that Rupert would affault it on both sides the river; I moved Colonell King, that seeing the armes of his owne Regiment &c. was lost, and he in no possibility to defend the Towne of himselfe at the present, that therefore (the Towne being of that consequence, that if it should be lost, the Enemy might presently make it, the absolutest strong Towne in England for themselves) that he would forthwith send to Colonell Walton, then Governour of Linne, to intreat him to land him at his great need and strait 4. or 500 men, to defend the Towne, till such time that he could get his owne Regiment againe together, which he absolutely refused, and told me plainly that he would never send for another to command and affront him in his owne Jurisdiction, which the Linne men would do, (he said) if they come, at which I being excreedingly troubled, that he should preferre his owne domination before the preservation of so considerable a Towne and Garrison, it made mee beleeve hee intended to betray it.

Whereupon I went to Mr. Major, then as I remember, at Alderman Tilsans, and told them both, with some others, that their Towne was in extraordinary danger to be lost, and they all undone, if they did not looke about them presently, and told them all the discourse I had had with their unjust oppressing Governor, and told them I conceived all was not right, and therefore I judged my self bound in duty and conscience both before God and man, to tell them what I apprehended of things, and how neare their danger and ruine was at hand, and if they would not helpe to save themselves according to the law of Nature, their ruine be upon themselves; they desiring of me to let them know, what I would advise them to, I told them my advise was, for as many of them to go with me to Colonell King, once againe, as they thought sit, and let us joyntly presse him to send to Linne for men, and if he would not do it, that then we might do it without him.

Vpon which, we went, and at first found him obstinate till (as I remember) Alderman Tilson could him that if he would not joyne with them, they would write to the Governour without him) upon which he was drawn to subscribe, but my Lord of Manchester and the Governour of Lyne, or some others in authority; being mindfull of us in our straits, had ordered Col. Waltons Major, Major Franckling, a stout and gallant man, with about 400. men, to come by Sea to us, & as I remember, his orders were, that he should secure Boston; upon the arivall of whom, Col. King immediately commanded them out of the Town, to go and besiedge Crowland, which a litle before by treachery or his own absolute wilfull negligence, he had given up unto the declared Traytors, and professed enemies of the State and Kingdome.

Of which as soone as I fully understood, I went to Major Frankling, and desired to see his order by vertue of which he came to Boston, and told him how things stood with us, and in what temper I conceived my Colonel to be, and therefore entreated him to be sensible of the trust reposed in him, and of his own Honour, and reputation, professing unto him, that if he at the command of Col. King, marched away with all his men, considering his orders; and the condition which the Town was in, I should look upon it as a meer design betwixt him and Col. King to betray the Town indeed, telling him how weak and unfortified the Towne was, in a manner all round about, being in divers places easy for a man with a Pike staffe to leap over it, and therefore there was no way in the eye of reason to preserve it, seing the Enemies intention (as wee heard) was to fall upon it, unlesse his men stayed in it, or at least the major part of them.

Whereupon he went to Col. King, and (as I remember) in Alderman Tilsons Hall, debated with him his positive command, and with much a doe prevailed that himselfe and a great part of his Soaldiers should stay to defend the Town, and my selfe being left by Col. King, with the consent of the Major and Aldermen, to take care of the towne, I went to Major Frankling, and desired him to go with me to Colonell King, to know what Amunition he had in his Magazine, who assured us upon his reputation, that he had a hundred barrels of powder, and all things fitting besides, and therefore bid us take no care for Ammunition and, being very busie in sending away men, guns, &c. to the intended leaguer of Crowland.

I did not go to the Magazine, to see whether be had told us truth or no, he having taken a quantity of powder with him, and another sent him, he sends his warrant to the Magazine Keeper, for ten barrels more, nor signifying one word of his mind to me, who was then betrusted with the Towne, upon the reciet of which old Mr. Coney the Magazine keeper, came and told me that he had received an order from the Colonell, to send him ten barrels of powder, and saith he what shall I doe, for there is but ten barrels in all in the Magazine.

At the hearing of which I stood amazed, and could him it could not be possible, for (said I) such a day I went to the Colonell with Major Frankling, and he did assure us that he had 100. barrels in store, but Mr. Coney assured me, that there was not one more then 10, the which if wee send to him, there is none to keep their guards (saith he) I asked him if there were not a private store-house for powder, and he told me none at all, then we began to reckon how many barrels were gone out, since he assured Major Frankling and my selfe that he had 100 in store, and all that both the Magazine Keeper, and my selfe could reckon, with those 10 in his hands, and all he had since that day delivered out was (as I remember) 24 or 26:

Whereupon I went to Alderman Tilsons, and asked him whether the Major, himselfe, and the rest of his Brethren, had not a private Magazine, and he told me no, but asked me wherefore I demanded such a question of him, whereupon I could him all the story, &illegible; which he stood amazed, and from him I went to Colonell Kings wise, and desired to know of her, whether shee knew of any private Magazine of powder that her husband had, and shee told me no.

Then I told her all the businesse, and said to her, that I wondred her Husband should assure Major Frankling and my selfe, that he had 100 barreles of powder, when he had but 28, and that he should send for all that he had left, out of the Garison, assuring her that if the ten barrels he had sent for, should be sent him, we should not have one left in the Magazine to defend the Towne with, being then in expectation of the Enemy to Assault us, I told her for my part I could not pick out the English of it.

And I being by the Generall sent post to London to the Committee of both Kingdome, about his marching to take Lincolne againe, and from thence to march to York, to joyne with the Scots, I in the third place ceased not to put that (which lay upon me as a duty) forwards, as soone as an opportunity served, and renewed my complaint against him at Lincolne, and desired it might receive a faire hearing before the Generall and a Counsell of Warre, and that justice might be done according to the rules of Warre, and Mr. Archer and others of the Committee of Lincolne, drew up a very bainous charge against King, and laboured hard for a triall, and in the third place the Major, Aldermen, and towne Clerke, of Boston, came to Lincolne with their Articles against him, which were home enough, and to my knowledge pressed Leu. Gen. Cromwell, to use all his interest in my Lord, that they might be admitted to make them good, before him, and a Counsell of warre, but we could not all prevaile, the reason of which I am not able to render, vnlesse it were that his two Chaplains &illegible; and Garter, prevailed with the Earles two Chaplaint, Mr. Ash and Good, to cast a cleargy mist over their Lords eyes, that he should not be able to see any deformity in Colonell King, but this I dare confidently say, if there we had, had but faire play, and justice impartially, King had at surely dyed, at ever malifactor in England did, and to use the words once againe of his owne bosome friend, and Counseller, Mr. Prince, in page the 6 of the fore cited book, if the late Baron of Graystock, who was a Lord, and one of the &illegible; of the Realme, and had taken upon him safely to keep to the a foresaid Grandfather (King of England) the towne of Barwick: The said Barron perceiving afterward, that the said Grandfather, addressed himselfe to ride into France, the said Barron (without command of the said Granfather) committed the said towne of Barwick to a valiant Esquire Robert Deogle, as Leiu. to the said Barron, for to keep safe the towne of Barwick to the said Grandfather, and the said Barron went as an horse-man to the said parts of France, to the said Grandfather, and there remained in his company. Daring which time an assault of warre, was made upon the said Towne of Barwick, by the said Scott, and the said Robert as Leiu. to the said Barron, valiantly defended the same, and at last by such forceable assaultes, the said Towne was taken upon the said Robert, and two of the sonnes of the said Robert there staine in the defence of the same, notwithstanding that the said Barron himselfe, had taken upon him the safeguard of the said Towne, to the said Grandfather, and departed himselfe without command of the said Grandfather, and the said towne of Barwick lost, in the absence of the Barron, he being in the company of the said Grandfather, in the parts of France, is aforesaid, It was adjudged in Parliament, before his Peares, that the said Towne was lost, in default of the said Barron, and for this cause he had judgment of life, and member, and that he should forfeit all that he had. I say if this Lord, deserved to dye who left a Deputy so manfully to defend the Towne, and also was himselfe with the King in the service, much more King, meerly in reference to Crowland singly, who being Governer thereof, and having placed Captaine Cony therein as his Deputy, with a company of men, sent for him in a brave to humour to Newwarke, when he had no urgent necessity for him, unlesse it were that the world might see the bravery of his Regiment, wch by his agumentation imounted to about 1400, when Cap. Cony certified him, that the Towne being generally Malignant &c would be in great danger by the Beverkers of being lost if he should come away, yet notwithstanding King sent to him againe, and did command him away, and put in a guard of slander and unlase men, which presiged alosse of it to the Committee residing in Holland, upon which they acquainted &illegible; Gennerall; &illegible; then Deputy, Governour of the Ile of Ely, and &illegible; &illegible; him to send a strong guard to preserue and keep it, and he accordingly sent (as I remember) Captaine Underwood, astout man with about a 100 souldiers &c. of which when King heard, he was exceding mad, and did write a most imperious bitter letter, to command them out of his Jurisdiction, where upon they were necessitated to depart, and leave Crowland to his owne slender and &illegible; guard, by meanes of which, within a little while after the Enemy had advantage to supprise that Towne without oposition or difficulty, and did it, so that to speake in the words of the Articles remaining in Parliament against him, he betrayed that Towne, which was not &illegible; without much hazzord and losse, the expence of a prear deal of treasure and many mens lives, the blood of all which &illegible; upon his head, for the lesse of which alone (&illegible; his treachery both to the state universall and representative) he ought to dye without mercy, by the Morall and undispensable Law of God, made long before that ever the Jewes were a Nation, or had any Ceremoniall Law given unto them, which Law is expressed in Gen 9 5, 6. where God speaking to Noah and his sons, saith thus: “And surely your blood of your &illegible; will I require: at the hand of every beall will I require it, and at the hand of man: at the hand of every mans brother will I require the life of man.

Who so shed &illegible; &illegible; by man shall his blood be shed, for in the Iueage of God made be man, reade Revel. 13. 10. But King, though his owne hands did not murder the souldiers that lost their lives in taking it in againe, yet he was the true fountaine and cause wherefore their blood was shed, Deut. 22. 8. Judg. 9. 24. 2. Sam. 12. 9. having apparently, by his wilfulnesse and treachery, lost the Towne; and therefore, wilfull blood being upon his &illegible; he ought to make a legall satisfaction, and &illegible; by his owne blood: I wish with all my soul: the Parliament (your Lordship, and all the rest of the Judges of this Kingdome) would seriously consider and ponder upon this unrepealable law of God, that so wilfull murderert and blood thirsty men might not escape the hands of Justice, and so bring wrath from God upon the whole Kingdome, Gen. 4. 10, 11, 12. Deut. 19. 10. Pial. 206. 38. Jer. 7. 5, 6. and 19. 2. 4. Lament 4. 13, 14. &illegible; 4. 2, 3. Joel 3. 19. &illegible; 2. 8. which cannot be expiared but by the blood of him that shed it, &illegible; 35. 33. Deut. 19. 12, 13. &illegible; Sam. 4. 11, 12, 1 King. 1. 5. 6. 31, 32, 33. and 21. 19. and 2 King. 9. 7. 8, 9, 10. 36. 33. and Chap. 14. 2, 3, 4. but especially that you would thinke upon the grand Murtherer of England (for by this impartiall Law of God there is no exemption of Kings, Princes, Dukes, Earles, Barons, Judges, or Gentlemen, more then of Fisher-men, Coblers, Tinkers, and Chimney-sweepers) upon whose shoulders all the innocent blood that hath in such abundance been shed in this Kingdome, &c. Iyes, for which reckoning I am sure the score is not acquitted in the account of God, nor ought it not to be in the account of man, For if the innocent and righteous blood of our Abel, cry’d so loud for vengeance in the eares of God, against Cain, that God cursed him and all he went about: How much more will the blood of thousands, and ten thousands of innocent persons, that hath been lately shed in England, cry loud in the eares of God, for wrath and vengeance against those that have been the true &illegible; and cause of it, for shed it is, and upon some body the guilt of it lyes; and therefore it is but a solly and madnesse, for the King, Parliament, or People, to talke of peace, all inquisition be made for Englands innocent blood, and Justice done upon the guilty, and wilfull &illegible; of it, for besides the Law of God in Gen. 9 he saith plainly, Numb. 35. 31. That there shall no satisfaction be taken for the life of a murtheres, but that he shall surely be put to death, and in vers. 33. God declares that the shedding-innocent blood &illegible; and polluteth a Land, and that, that cannot be cleased of the blood that is shed therein, but by the blood of him that shed it, and for the innocent blood that &illegible; &illegible; in Jesus &illegible; (although a King) God sent bands of the Caldeans, Syrians, Moathies, and Ammonites to destroy Judah, an remove them out of his sight, for the sinnes of &illegible; their King, and for the innocent blood that he had shed, (which the text saith) The Lord would not pardon, 2 King. 24. 2, 3, 4. “Yea, and because Saul (though a King) slaw some of the &illegible; contrary to the Covenant made with them, God sent afamine upon all Israel for three yeares, for that very innocent blood shed by the King, and there was no expiation, or satisfaction to be made therefore, but by the blood of him that had shed it; and therefore because he himselfe was dead and his blood could not be had, seven of his sons (of his owne blood) must and was hanged up to make satisfactions therefore, Saw. 2. 21. 1, 2, 3, 4. to the 9.

My Lord, the unsufferable provocation of Colonell King, forceth me to present these lines unto you, and I doubt not, but these will tend to his long deserved ruine; and therefore to speake in the words of his friend Mr. Prinne, in a case of the like nature “It is the just hand of God, many times so farre to dementate the very wisest politirians, as to make themselves the principall contrivers of their owne infamy and ruine: for his Knavery, lying in a hole as it were, now he hath by his awesting mee, and bringing me before your Lordship (who I conceive have nothing to do with the businesse, being it is dependant in Parliament the supream Court of the Kingdome,) necessitated me to publish the whole state of the businesse betwixt him and me to the view of the world, because at your Barre I cannot make a plea at large to the whole &illegible; of the Articles, but must be tyed up, as I am told, to a single plea, that is to say, to plead either guilty, or not guilty, unto which I cannot without snares yeeld unto, besides I must, as I am told, plead at your Barre by Serjeants at Law, none of which I know, and therefore will not trust them, come ruine and destruction, and whatever will of me. Againe, my Lord, I must there be tryed by a Jury that neither knowes mee, nor I them, nor knowes any of Kings habituated knavery, nor understands any thing of Martiall Law, the only rule to try him and me in this case, and that which is &illegible; of all, they are chosen (as I am told) by the under Sheriff, of which kind of creatures I never heard any great commendation for their honesty, but have heard of much judging and packing betwixt them and such kind of crafty and large conscioned fellowes, as my Adversary King the Lawyer is, Againe, my Lord, that which is the greatest mischiefe of all, and the oppressing bondage of England ever since the Norman yoke, is this, I must be tryed before you by a Law (called the Common Law) that I know not, nor I thinke no man else, neither do I know where to find it, or reade it, and how I can in such a case be punished by it, I know not: For, my Lord, I have been with divers Lawyers about this very businesse, I cannot find two of them of one mind, or that can plainly describe unto &illegible; what is the way of your goings; so that I professe I am in the darke amongst briers and thornes, and fast in a trap by the heeles, and enemies round about me ready to destroy me, if I be not very wary with my tongue and which way to get out, or how, or to whom to call to for help I know not, for such an unfathomable gulfe have I by a little &illegible; found, the Law practises in Westminster Hall to be, that seriously I thinke there is neither end nor bottom of them, so many uncertainties, formalities, puntillo’s, and that which is worse, all the entryes and proceedings in Latine, a language I understand not, nor one of a thousand of my native Country men, so that my Lord, when I read the Scripture, and the House of Commons late &illegible; Declaration, it makes me thinke that the practizes in the Courts at Westminster, flow not from God nor his Law, nor the law of Nature and reason, no nor yet from the understanding of any righteous, just or honest men, but from the Devill, and the will of Tyrants.

First my Lord, the House of Commons declaration April 17. 1646 tels me, that their intentions are not to change the ancient frame of Government within this Kingdome, but to obtaine the end of the Primitive institution of all Government, the safty and weale of the people, (atmost goulden saying) but I am sure it cannot be for the peoples safety, nor welfare, to have their lives, liberties, and estates, Judged by a laws the &illegible; and proceedings of which are in Latine, and so without there understanding, there cases in Heathen Greeke or Pedlers French, and so beyond their knowledg, and man of their rules in the orracles of Judges breasts, whose Judgments many times have been destructive to the lives liberties and estates, of all the free men of England, witnesse there late Judgment in shipmoney &c. neiteer are such practices agreeable to the Ancient constitutions of Kingdoms.

And secondly when God gives his law unto the sonnes of men, he doth it plainly, without ambiguous termes, and in their &illegible; language, as first for Adam, the law God gaue him was plaine and short, with a declared penalty annexed unto it, Gen. 2. 16. 17. And the Lord God commanded the man, saying, of every tree of the Garden thou mayest freely care. But of the tree of the knowledge of good and evil, thou shalt not eat of it, for in the day thou eatest thereof, thou shalt surely die. And his law in the 9. of Gen. about murther is as plaine as this, for who so sheadeth mans blood (saith he) by man shall his blood be shed, for in the Image of God made he man, and so likewise when God comes to give a law unto &illegible; as a nation, yea and that law which we call the Morrall law, and observe as binding to us to this day, he doth it in plaine words, without ambiguous or doubtfull &illegible; short and in their owne tongue Exo. 20 and that the people might be at a certaintie, Moses as his Minister, and officer, writ, and reade it in the audience of the people, unto which they &illegible; their consent, Exo. 24. 4. 6. and after that God writ them himselfe with his finger, and delivered them to Moses. that so the people might be taught them, Exo. 24. 12. & 31. 18. and chap. 34. yea, and in this plainnesse, was all the &illegible; God &illegible; unto them, which he did not only barely take, and so let the people goe seeke them where they could find them, but he also with Majestie, proclaimes them openly and as if that were not enough, that so they might know the Law and not in the least plead ignorance of it, Moses declares it to them againe, and againe Deu. 5. & chap. 6. & chap. 9. & 11. Yea and commands them to reach their Children, and to speak of them, when they sit in their house, and when they go abroad, and when they &illegible; downe, and rise up. yea and that they should &illegible; them upon the posts of their houses, and up in their gates Deu. 11. 19. 20. yea and that they should write them very plainly Dent. 27. 8. and the reason is because the just God hath done, and will doe just and righteous things, and will not be so unjust as to punnish men for &illegible; a law they know not, and therefore saith Moses to Israel in the behalfe of the just God, and his law, Its not hidden from thee, neither is it farre off It is not in Heaven, that thou shouldest; say who shall go up for us to Heaven, and bring it unto us, that wee may heare it, and doe it; neither is it beyond the Sea, that thou shouldest say, who shall go over the Sea for us, and bring it unto us, that wee may heare it, and doe it: But the word is very high unto thee, in thy mouth, and in thy heart, that thou must doe it, so (saith he) I have set before thee this day &illegible; and good, death and evill &illegible; 30. 11. 12. 13, 14. 19. yea and that the generations to come, might not think that God dealt &illegible; with them, in exacting obedience from them, who lived nor in Moses &illegible; to heare the Law so sollemoly &illegible; he delivers it a stnading Law (in future generations) unto the Priests Elders, and people, that at the end of every seaven Yeares, in the solemnity of the yeare of release, in the feast of Tabernacles: When all I shall is com to appeare before the Lord thy God, in the place which he shall choose: Thou shalt read this Law before all Israell in their &illegible; Gather the people together, men and women, and children, and thy stranger that is within thy &illegible; that they may heare, and that they may learne, & feare the Lord your God, and observe to doe al the words of this Law: And that their Children which have not knowne any thing, may &illegible; and learne to feare the Lord your God, as long as you live, Deut. 31. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. So wee see how just and exact God is to the people, in giving them a short, plain and easie to be understood Law, in their owne tongue, and not in the language of strangers, and what care be takes to have it published and taught unto the people.

But if wee will but impartially read our English histories, wee shall clearely find, that the tedious, unknowne, and impossible to be understood, common law practises in Westminster Hill, came in by the will of a Tyrant, namly William the Conquerer, who by his sword conquered this Kingdome, and professed he had it from none but God and his sword Danniel 42. subdued their honest and just law (Speed 424.) cummonly called the law of Edward the Confess and as Daniel saith fol. 44. set up new termes, new constitutions, new formes of pleas, new offices, and Courts, and that whereas (saith he fol. 46) before the causes of the Kingdome were determined in every Shire, and by Law of King Edwad se. all matters in question should upon especiall penalty, with out further deferment, be finally deculed in their Gemore or conventions held monthly an every hundred, he ordained, that fower times in the yeare for certain dayes, the same businesse should be determined in such place as he would appoint, where he constituted Judges to attend for that purpose, and others from whom, as from the be some of the Prince, all litigators should have justice, and from whom was no appeale, and made his Judges (saith Martin in his history folo 5.) follow his Court upon all removes, which tired out the English Nation, with extreordinary troubles and excessive charges in the prosecution of their suites in Law, and saith fol 4. he also enacted, and established strait and severe Lawes, and published them in his owne language (as all the practizes of the Law, and all petitions and businesse of the court were) by meanes whereof many (who were of great estate, and of much worth) tough ignorance did transgresse, and their smalest offences, were gerat enough to intitle the Conquerour to the lands, and riches which they did possesset all which heseized on and tooke from them without remorse.

And although the agrieved Lords, and sad People of England, humbly petitioned him, that according to his oath (twice formerly taken) that he would restore them the Lawes of St Edward, under which they were born and bred, and not adde unto all the rest of their misery, to deliver them up to be judged by a strange Law they understood not, whose importunity so faire prevailed with him, that he tooke his oath the third time, to preserve their Lawes, and liberties, but like a prejur’d Tyrant, never observed any of his oaths, and the same (saith Danul Fol. 43.) did Henry the first, Henry “the second, and King Iohn. &c. and yet notwithstanding these followed (saith he) a great innovation, both in the Lawes and Government of England, so that this seems rather to be done to acquit the People, with the show of the continuation of their ancient Customes and Liberties, then that they enjoyed them in effect. For the little conformity between them of former times, and these that followed upon this change of State, and though there may be some veines issuing from former originals, yet the main stream of our Common law, with the practice thereof, flowed out of Normandy, notwithstanding all objections can be made to the counary, and therefore I say it came from the Will of a Tyrant.

But it may be objected, that the Law it selfe, is not now either in French or Latine, and therefore not so bad as you would make it.

I shall answer in the words of Daniel, Follio 251. That it is true, upon the Petition of the Commons to Edward the third, He caused Pleas which before were in French, to be &illegible; in English, that the Subjects might understand the Law by which he houlds what he hath, and is to know what he doth, a blessed Act, and worthy so great a King; If he could thereby have rendred the same also perspicuous, it had been a worke of eternall honour, but &illegible; (&illegible; he) is the Fate of Law, that in what language soever it speaks, it never speaks plain, but is wrapt up in such difficulties and misteries, (as all &illegible; of profit are) as it gives more afliction to the People, then it doth remedy, & therefore when Magna Charta, after many a bloudy &illegible; and the purchase of many hundred thousands of pounds, was obtained and confirmed by Edward the first, in the 27. year of his Raign, divers Patrons of their Country, as Sir Edvvard Cook. in his Proom before the second part of his &illegible; declares, that after the making of Magna Charta, &c. divers learned men in the Lawes, (that I may use the words of the Record) kept Schooles of the Law in the &illegible; of London, and taught such as resorted to them, the Lawe, of the Realm, taking their foundation from Magna Charta, and Charta de Forrestis, which the King sought to impeach, and therefore, in the 19th yeare of his Raign, by his Writ, commanded the &illegible; and Sheriffes of London, to suppresse all such Schooles, under great penalties, (such &illegible; are Tyrants, to the Peoples knowledge & understanding of their Lawes and Liberties, that so they may rule by their wils and pleasures, for the impugning and &illegible; of which &c. this wicked and leud King, was dis-throned, at the doing of which, he confessed, that he had been mis-guided, and done many things &illegible; of now (too late) &illegible; repented, which if be were to govern again, be would become a new man, and was most sorrowfull to have offended the State, as it should thus utterly reject him, but yet gave them thanks that they were so gracious unto him, as to elect his eldest sount for King.

And Henry the third in the 7. 8th yeares of his Raigne confirmed the great Charter, which notwithstanding he continually broke them, and fetcht over the Poictonians, by the advice of his evill Councell, to over-awe his People, and &illegible; late their Liberties, wherefore his Nobles &c. sent him expresse word, That unlesse he would omend his doings they would expell him and his evil Counceltors out of the Lord, and deal for the creation of a new King, Daniel. Fol. 154.

But I desire not to be mis-understood, for in the harshnes of my expressions against the Common Law, I put (to J conceive) a cleare distinction of it, from the Statute Law, which though there be many faults in it, as I could easily show, yet I desire not here to say any greater evill of it then this, that the 28, 29. Chap. of Magna Charta, the Petition of Regir., and the late Act for &illegible; the Star-Chamber, are gallant Lawes, and &illegible; I can find in the whole vollnmnious Booke of &illegible; for in my apprehension they &illegible; &illegible; short, in a sufficiently providing for that which lately the Honourable House of Commons saith is the end of all Government, (the safety and weale of the People, so in my judgement, they do not positively and legally hold out a sufficient security to hedge &illegible; to keepe in peace and to preserve the splendor and glory of that underived &illegible; and King ship, that inherently resides in the People. or the State universall, (the representation or derivation of which, is formally and legally in the State &illegible; &illegible; and none &illegible; (whose actions ought all to tend to that end) against &illegible; &illegible; usurpations, and violence of all it’s creatures, officers and Ministers, &illegible; the number of which are Kings themselves, from whom, and for whome they have all their Power and authority, as the executions of their will and mind, for their good and benefit, to whom they are accountable for the faithfull discharge of that trust reposed in them, as not onely Scripture, but nature and reason, dothfully prove, yea, and our own writers, especially the late Observator, and Mr. Prinne, in his Soveraign power of Parliaments, and Kingdomes, printed by speciall authority from the house of Commons.

1. Although Magna Charta be commonly called the English mans inheritance, because it is the best in that kind he hath, and which was purchased with so much brave English bloud, and money, by our fore-fathers, before they could wring it out of the hands of their tiranicall Kings (the successours of William the Conquerer) as I have largely elsewhere clearly manifested, yet alas in my aprehension, it falles short of Edward the Consissours lawes, which the Conquerer rob’d England of, and in stead of them, set up the dictates of his own will, whose Norman rules, and practizes to this day yet remaines in the administrations of the Common Law at Westminster Hall, by reason &illegible; their rediousnesse, ambiguities, uncertainties, the entryes in Lattine (as bed as the French) because it is not our own tongue, their forcing men to plead by Lawyers, and not permitting themselves to plead their own causes, their compelling of persons to come from all places of the Kingdome, to seeke for justice at Westminster, which is such an iron Norman Yoke, with fangs and teeth in it, that if wee were free in every particular elce, that our hearts can thinke of, yet were we slaves by this alone, the burthen of which singly, will pierce and gail our shouldiers, and make us bow and stoop to the ground, ready to be made a prey, not onely by great men, but even by every cunning sharking knave.

O therefore that your Lordshp would desire and solicite our honourable Parliament, according to the late Declaration, forever to annihilate this Norman innovation, and reduce us back to that part of the ancient frame of government in this Kingdome. before the Conquers dayes, and that wee may have all causes and differences decided in the County, or Hundred, where they are committed, or do arise, without any appeal but to a Parliament, and that they may monthly be Iudged by twelve men, of free and honest condition, chosen by themselves, with their grave or chiefe Officer amongst them, and that they may sweare to judge every mans cause eright, without Feare, Favour, or affection, and then farewell jangling Lawyers, the wild-fire destroyers, and bone of all just, rationall, & right governed Common-wealths; and for the faciliating of this worke, and the prevention of Frauds, I shall onely &illegible; of Mr. Iohn Cooks words a Lawyer of Grayes Inne, in the 66. page of his late published Booke called a vindication of the proffessors, and presession of the Law, where he prescribes a ready remedy against frauds, which is that there might be a publique Office in every County, to register all Leases made for any Land, in that County and also all Conveiances whatsoever, and all charges upon the Lands, & all Bonds, and Contracts of any valles, for (saith he) it is a &illegible; matter, to findout all Recognizances, Iudgements, extents, and other charges, and too chargeable for the Subject) that for 12d. or some such small matter, might know in whom the interest of Land remaines, and what incumbrances lye upon it, and every estate or charge not entred there to be void in Law, and that the country have &illegible; chusing of the Registers in their respective Counties once a yeare, upon a fixed day, and that they have plain rules &illegible; &illegible;, made by the authority of Parliament, and severe penalties nocted for the transgressing them.

My Lord, I hope you will not be offended at me for my plainesse, especially if you consider the necessities laid upon me, for I professe really, I am not able to imagine any other remedy for my preservation but this, (having had my Petition about this businesse, above a month in divers of my friends hands in the House of Commons, but cannot get it read.

And having contested this 7. yeares, with all sorts, and kind of persons, that would destroy me, and having often been in the field, amongst Ballets and Swords, to maintain the Common Liberties and Freedomes of England, against all the traytorly oppugners thereof, and having by the goodnesse of my God, escaped many dangers and death, and being in my own apprehension, ready to be ruinated and destroyed, by a weapon, inferior to a Taylors Bodkin, (namely) a Formallity, or Puntillo in the Law, it hath ronzed up my spirits, to charge it with a Souldiers pure resolution, in a new and unwonted manner, being necessitated to cast all care behind me, and say unto myselfe, that as hitherto I have not lived by any mans favour and grace, so, for my own safety, I will now be affraid of no mans indignation or displeasure, cost what it will, and if J perish, I perish.

2. &illegible; your Lordship, or any other great man, be moved with choller or indignation against me, (as I desire you may not) and shall, endeavour to doe me a mischiefe, for this my plain, dealing, I hope I shall be kept out of danger, by the authority of the Parliaments own Declarations, but especially by those words of theirs, in their exhortation to men to take their Covenant, which are thus.

And as for those Cleargy men, who pretend, that they (above all others) can not Covenant to extirpate Episcopall Government, because they have (as they say) taken a solemne hath to obey the Bishops, in lieitis & honestis, they can tell and if they please, that they that have sworn obedience to the Lawes of the Land, are not thereby prohibited from endeavouring by all lawfull we &illegible; the abolition of those Lawes, when they prove inconvenicue &illegible; mischievous &c.

And I am confident, that if J fall into the hands of those that made the Covenant, (who are the firtest interpreters of it) I shall doe well enough; But from the Sect of the Adamites, that would have no man live in England that are honester then themselves, and from the late London Remonstrators, that would have all men disfranchized (although never so honest) that are not of their minds, and Judgements, and who doe, and would rob the representative body of all the Commons of England, of their Legislative power, and from the Executors of strange and unknown Lawes, which destroy and undoe men, (though never so upright) by formallities and puntillo’s, good Lord &illegible;

To the Right Honourable, the Representative Body of the Commons. OF ENGLAND: In Parliament assembled. The humble Petition of Lievt. Col. Iohn Lilbvrne,

THat upon the differences betwixt the King, and Parliament, the Commons of England, for the defence and preservation of their Lawes and just Liberties, by authority of Parliament were necessitated to take up Armes, for the suppression of the Forces raysed by the King. In this Warre against the Parliament, the Forces raysed by the King. In this Warre against the Parliament, the Forces raysed in the Eastern Association, were committed and entrusted under the command of the Earle of Manchester, as Major Generall there, from whom your Petitioner had a Commission to be Major to Col. King, and particular instructions, and private directions, from Lievt. Gen. Crumwel, to take and give unto them, or one of them, (upon all occasions) Information, and Intelligence, of the State and condicion of Liccoln-Shire, under the command of the said Colonel King, and of the cariage and, behaviour of the said Col. King, towards the Country, and Souldiery, and how he discharged his place and trust. Which your Petitioner with all faithfulnesse and diligence did accordingly, to his extraordinary expences, not neglecting any advantage, or oportunity, which might further the publicke service, or discover the designes of the Enemy, or the said Col. Kings miscariage and neglect, of his trust and duty, the said Col. King taking upon him anunlimited and unwarrantable power destructive to the trust reposed in him.

&illegible; upon your Petitioners discovery and making known both unto the Earl, & L. Gen. Crumwel, (according to his instructions and trust reposed in him) the malignancy, insolencies, and unfaithfulnesse of the said Col. King, to the State, in the neglect of his charge, & his bad usage of the Country, to the great dis-service of the Parliament, and danger of the losse of the whole Country, (Crowland being by him betraid unto the Enemy, and was not regained, without great charge and hazard, yea; and the losse of many mens lives, the said Col. King was thereupon discharged, and put out of all his commands, and offices, (being then very many, and profitable) but was not brought to tryall for his said offences, at a Councell of Warre, which your Petitioner and others much endeavoured to have done. Whereupon Mr. Miessenden, Mr. Wolley, & divers others (Gentlemen of quality) of the Committe of Lincoln, in August 1644. exhibited to this Honourable House, severall Articles, (since printed) a Coppy whereof is hereunto annexed, against the said Col. King, thereby chargeing him with severall Treasons, Insolencies, setting up and exercising an Arbitrary, exorbitant, and unlimited power, over the Country, and Souldiery, with many other insolencies, and foule misdemeanors, all which are yet depending before this honourable House, and not yet determined, being some of them, for, or concerning the losse and surrender of Townes to the Enemies, through his treachery or negligence, and so the offence Capitall, and properly examinable, and onely tryable in Parliament, as appeares Rot. Parl. 1. Rich. 2. Nu. 38. 39. 40. Rot. Parler. Rich. 2. Num. 17. 22.

Now the said Col. King, being privie to his owne guiltinesse, and well knowing your Petitioner to be a principall witnesse for the proofe of divers of the said Articles, out of his mallice and wickednesse to your Petitioner upon a groundlesse complaint, & untrue surmises, made by him to this Honourable House, in &illegible; last, procured your Petitioner to be committed to the custody of the Serjeant at Armes, attending this honourable House, your Petitioner being thence removed to Newgate, but he, nor any other, prosecuting any charge against him, after he had lyen about 13, weakes there, he was discharged of his imprisonment by order of this House.

And the said Col. King, the more to vex, and unjustly trouble your Petitioner and to the end to take away his testimony, and deterre others from appearing against the said Col. King, upon his tryall upon the said Articles, a little before Easter Tearme last, caused your Petitioner to be arested at his own suite, upon an action of 2000l, for pretended words, alleadging by his Declaration, that your Petitioner should have said that the said Col. King was a traytor, and he gives forth in speeches, he will undoubtedly recover the same against your Petitioner, and thereby utterly ruine, him, and is indeed verry likely to doe the same, by these his sinister practizes, if by this Honourable House, your Petitioner be not relieved & protected, according to justice and equity.

Your Petitioner therefore humbly desires this Honourable House will be pleased, in regard your Petitioner hath not done or said any thing against the said Col. King, but what will be proved when he shall be brought to Tryall before this honourable House, upon the said Articles and Charge; and for that your Petitioner cannot at Law give any Plea in Bar, or justification of the words pretended to be spoken by him, untill the said Col. King be either convected, or acquitted upon his Tryall, upon the said Articles and charge, to give Order, and direction to the said Col. King, and to the Iustices of the &illegible; of Common Pleas, (where the Action dependeth) to &illegible; and no further proceed upon the said Action of 2000l. against your Petitioner. And for the good, and satisfaction of the Kingdome, and the &illegible; and vindication of your Petitioners integrity and faithfulnesse in what he hath said or done touching the premyses, to bring the said Col. King to tryall (in a Parliamentary way) that to be may receive condigne punishment for the injuries and wrongs he hath done, and wherewith he is charged in the said Articles.

Courteous Reader, if I had had roome here should have been an Errata, but the principall fault passed the Presse, in Page 14. line 16. read, which King Edward 2. for which the King.

Articles exhibited against Col. Edward King, for his insolencies and misdemenors in the County of Lincoln, to the Honourable House of Commons, in August 1644. by Mr. Mussenden, Mr. Wolley, and divers others of the Committee of Lincoln.

Imprimis, That to the great discouragement of the County, he doth openly declare, his slighting of all mens good affections to the Parliaments service, by expressing that he valueth not that men should do the Parliament service voluntarily, but that he would by his power force them to serve.

2. That he doth pay those great summes of money raysed by him out of the Country, onely to whom he pleaseth against all equity and justice, notwithstanding the Lord of Monchesters Order to the contrary.

3. That he hath publickly declared his slighting the ordnances of Parliament, & done very many tyranicall & arbitrary actions, by imprisoning divers persons at his pleasure, and exacting great sums of money, at such time when necessity could be no plea, with many other particulars.

4. When he was before Newark he sent for a Captain who kept Crowland, who obeyed his command, yet sent word to him of the danger that town was in, and therefore desired his second pleasure, which was that he should march, who accordingly did, the Gentlemen of the Country, fearing the enemy, procured Major Ireton to send a 100. Musqueriers to keep Crowland, which he hearing of took ill that without order from him any should come into his liberties & commanded them to be gone, who accordingly departed, the enemy presently surprized the town, and those few that he had lest in it, by which meanes he betrayed the town unto the enemy, which was not regained without much charge, hazard, and losse of many mens lives.

5. That he gives protections for securing both person and goods, to those who are professed enemies to the Parlament.

6. That he imployeth such officers, as are altogether unfit for the Countryes service.

7. That he doth most grossely and unworthily affront and abuse the wel-affected Gentry of the Country.

8. That he doth encourage desperate Malignants, and animateth them against the wel-affected.

9. That he & his officers have imprisoned men wel-affected to the Parliament, and caused their houses, chests, trunks, &c. to be searched for pewter, brasse, & linnen, and threatned that they would make it cost one of them his whole estate, and that one of his officer, would not take three hundrd pounds for his own satisfaction.

10. That at the &illegible; before Newark such provision as the country had voluntarily and freely sent in to Col. Kings quarters at &illegible; for the maintenance of the souldiers, his officers would not deliver without money, although they had not pay, to the extream oppression and discouragement of the Country.

11. That he sent three warrants to Capt. &illegible; at &illegible; to take away a great quantity of Wooll which was bought by Mr Rawson one of the Committee, and paid for with his own money, and so the said Rawson is likely to lose his estate, although he hath been a sufferer both for Church and common wealth this twenty yeares, and hath &illegible; him a malignant, both in his words and letters, as much as in him did lye.

12. That when the enemy took Grantham, they being &illegible; from one part of the town, wheeled about to fall upon the other side, or a place cal’d the Spittle-gate, which &illegible; being then Major of the town perceiving, commanded Col. King, being then &illegible; of a Company thereto match with his Company to defend that place, Col. King answered, that be scorned to be commanded by him, and rather then he would be commanded by him, he would take his company and let the enemy into the town, and he delayed so long, before he would go, that the enemy was entred at the said Port, before he came thither, by which meanes he betrayed that town.

13. That when Commissary Iames had brought in certain sheep from a malignant for the reliefe of the fiedge at Newarke, being then in great want, Col. King caused the the said sheep to be restored to the malignant, and told the Commisary that he deserved to be hanged, with divers other threatning and reviling speeches; notwithstanding he had order from Sir John Meldrum and the Committee for the taking of them.

14. That Colonel King having promised the Lord of Manchester to raise a great number of Horse and Foot, the said Col. King, as did appeare, not knowing how to rayse so great a number, did to the great discouragement of the Country, take this course; in the first place he cashiered Major Syler, with him three hundred Voluntiers, which served on their own charge, who with the townsmen had alwaies defended the town of Boston, that he might press them to serve under him for pay; And secondly, he did sieze upon & detain four or five of the Foot Companies belonging to the Lord Willoughby and did cashiere some of the Captaines, because they refused to forsake my Lord to serve under him.

15. That the Troopes of Colonel Crumwel, which were lost at Coleby and Waddington were treacherously or ignorantly betrayed by Colonel King.

16. That to the great discouragement of the Country, he doth oppose and quarrell, with such as have been most serviceable to the Country, and such in whom the power of Religion is most eminent (viz) L. G. Crumwel, Mr Ram and others, & that he imprisoned divers other very godly men, and that for exercising the very power of godlinesse, which he did in a very vile manner, and still continueth an utter enemy &illegible; men, as namely, L. C. Berry, Major Lilburne, Capt. Cambridge, and others.

17. That to the great discontent and discouragement of the Country, he and his Officers did quarrell with, & slight the Committee at Lincoln, which was setled by ordnance of Parl. who were men of the best estates, quallity & integrity, and such as were especially commanded to serve the Country, and publickly villifying them and their actions, and assuming their power without any authority.

18. That before this War began, he was an open and publick scoffer of religious men.

19. That he is a man of a turbulent & factious spirit, of mean condition & estate for so absolute a command, that he hath received vast sums of money, amounting to about 20000l. much of which he hath levied in an illegall and obscure way, and issued out accordingly for which it is desired he may give a speedy accompt, & likewise of the rest of his actions.

20. That in a factious & seditious manner he did employ some Agents to deliver &illegible; Ribbonds to such as would stand for him, and &illegible; themselves his friends, to the great terrour and discontent of the Country, and the hazard of raysing a dangerous mutinie.

21. That he kept about twenty men to wait on him, whom he called his Life guard, to whom he gave extraordinary pay though they were exempted from all duty, except it were to wayt upon him, advance his reputation and awe and affright the Country.

22. That he did awe and gain the Country wholly after him, and that he might with better colour &illegible; falsly stiling himselfe Lievtennent Generall of the County of Lincoln.

Though God hath given unto Mr. Edwards, parts and abilities, wherewithal to acquire a comfortable life, in a just and good way, and wherein hee might bee helpefull unto many, and hurtfull unto none; neverthelesse hee seemeth unhappily to have placed his contentment in being a Master and Comptrouler of other mens judgements and practises in the worship of God, (wherein the Word of God and a mans owne conscience is only to governe): and thereupon (necessarily) finding opposition from al consciensious people, hee growes most passionately impatient, and even violently madd against all such as either plead their cause, or take their part; plainly manifesting, throughout the whole course of his preaching and writing, that he would esteem it his greatest felicity, if he could prevaile with authority, or provoke any others to the perpetuall molestation and destruction, of all that will not (though against their consciences) submit to those rules which he approveth.

Now the piety and justice of this Honourable Parliament, having so lately freed this long oppressed Nation, from this very kind of Tyranny, in the Bishops and Prelaticall Clergy, and very many judicious, and considerate persons (through a blessed opportunity, freedeme of discourse, and cleerer search of Scripture then heretofore) being fully satisfied in their understandings, that to compell or restraine, any peaceable person in matters of faith, and the worship of God, is as reall a sinne, and as odious in the sight of God as murther, theft or adultery, and thereupon engaging themselves in the just defence of liberty of conscience, Master Edwards his worke (of bowing all to his rule) falls out to be very difficult, and impossible (by any arguments drawn from the word of God) to be effected, or proved just.

And this also, insteed of qualifying his spirit, or stopping him in his race, hath set him all on fire, that he rageth like an Irish, ravenous and hungry woolfe, deprived of his prey by generous and true English Mastives, that watch both night and day to save the harmlesse and benefitiall sheep (the Independants and Separatists) who from the begining of these our troubles, to this very day, have continually without repining contributed their fleece for clothing, and their limbes and lives for nourishment, and strength, to preserve not only their owne liberties, but the just liberties of this Nation; Yet nothing abateth the madnesse of this prophet; but even (as is to be feared) against his owne conscience, and as if hired thereunto by some politique Balacks, hee flieth from one hill to another, from authority to authority, hath his parables and his offerings, and Satan like, would tempt the Lord himselfe to fall downe and worship him, to go against his owne declared will, and to stir up a persecuting spirit in the Magistrate, against this his beloved Israel, to compell them to worship him (as doe the Hipocrites) against their minds and consciences, then which nothing could be more abominable in his sight.

And though he cannot but see the hand of God against him, and that notwithstanding all his opposition, or any others, the numbers of them are daily increased, and that their faithfulnesse to the Parliament & common-wealth, hath caused them to grow in favor with al the People; though (if he would speak his heart) he must as Baalam, perforce acknowledge there is no enchantment against Jacob, nor any divination against Israel; no prevailing for a coersive power, against this good people, in a time of refreshment from any just Authority: Yet persists he in his ungodly resolution, and seeing and knowing that God will by no meanes answer his eager desire, of cursing this part of his people; he seemeth to grow desperate, and like as Saul when God had cast him off, and refused to answer him, either by Urim or Vision, betooke himselfe to the witch of Endor, even so this most unhappy man, betaketh himselfe to Machivillian policy, for execution of his cruel purposes against them: and finding no just or judicious party that will afford him any countenance, or assistance, he applyeth himselfe to any that hate them, though enemies to the common-wealth, hazarding the doing of their work, so that with them, and by them, he may but doe his owne, whereunto the weaknesses of many wel minded people ministreth to great an advantage, their rashnesse and to easie credulity, being all the foundation which he hath now left, to build his hopes upon, for if these would but a while suspend their belief, and patiently consider the things he hath spoken or is about to publish, and would thereupon with-draw themselves from his wicked and delusive counsels, and insteed thereof would fall to councelling of him to forsake his violent Rayling, and reviling, of a people they know to be faithfull, it were then impossible for him to effect his unjust designes, wch also (if effected) must necessarily be the bondage or ruin of all sorts of wel minded people, as wel Presbiterians as others (however his charmings may for the present flatter them) that must and will be the conclusion, if they continue to take in his poysonous counsells, how pleasing soever they seem to a pallat corrupted by long custome; they are poysonous, and will in time both swell and destroy them.

And therefore unto this sort of people, doe I at this time principally addresse this discourse by way of Antidote, to prevent the working of his banefull Counsels, and to frustrate his accursed ends.

This unjust man, knoweth all just and judicious men, cannot but oppose his unjust designes, and therefore it is, he hath denounced so many of them by name in his books, as his enemies, his ablest enemies they are, and the more powerfull, because they are all knowne to be really faithfull to the Parliament: In this case saith Machivel there is but one help, that is, they must be brought into disgrace, and disrepute, with the people, for if these remain in credit, the people will give eare unto them, be rightly informed by them & be in no capacity to be deceived: well saies Mr. Edwards, how shall they be sufficiently reproached: Why saies Machivel, seek out unto your ayd honest zealous persons of godly life, and good repute in the world, such as you know are fiery hot against errours and heresies so called, and unto them sadly complaine of the dayly infinite increase thereof, & intreat their assistance in the extirpation of them, & for that end desire them to collect their memories, what they have heard in any discourse, what they have any waies observed or knowne, to proceed from such and such men, naming divers, that are taken and reputed to be either grand Hereticks, and Schismatiques themselves, or the defenders and maintainers of them, by word or writing, tell them you have heard that such and such, hold such and such blasphemous opinions, at such and such a time uttered, such & such horrible speeches, pray them to consider how exceeding necessary it is such things were knowne, and made publique to all the world, lest through ignorance such blasphemous and hereticall persons in time get into offices of Magistracy, if not into the Parliament it seife; lay before them the danger if it should be so, and intreat them (for prevention) that they will thrust themselves into all meetings, companies, and societies, to provoke discourses, and to take notice of what they observe, or can any waies learne of any of them or any others, and it shall be your care to divulge them to the world, in the strongest colours your Art can give them: And (saith Machivel) as they through eagernesse, will over-heare and make things worse then they were either spoken or intended, so it must be your care to make them rather wors then better, then their relations, you must be sure to cast durt enough upon them, some will stick, and a little (amongst those you would pervert) will suffice to blemish the clearest and most able amongst them, and to deprive them of all credit and repute for ever.

If you observe any man to be of a publique and active spirit, (though he be no Independent or Separatist) he can never be friend to you in your work, and therefore you are to give him out, to be strongly suspected of whoredom, or drunkennesse, and prophanesse, an irreligious person, or an Atheist, and that by godly and religious persons, he was seen and heard blaspheming the holy Scriptures, and making a mock of the Ordinances of Christ, or say he is suspected to hold inteligence with Oxford, or any thing no matter what, somewhat will be beleeved, you cannot be ignorant how much this hath prevailed against divers able persons.

If you see any such man but once talking with a Papist, or (though not) you may give out that very honest men suspect him to be a Jesuit: If any one but demand of you or any others, how you know the Scriptures to be the word of God, give it out for certain he denieth them, or if any put questions concerning God or Christ, or the Trinity, you have more then enough to lay accusations upon them, that shall stick by them as long as they live, if you will follow this my counsell throughly saith Machivel (as in part you have done) you cannot faile of your end, you can never want matter, you shall (amongst those you deceive) be taken for a most zealous, holy, and religious man, you may write book upon book, great and large ones, and make good profit (or great renowne) by them, and in after ages, be recorded as a famous Author.

Moreover if you prosecute this course, you may haply hereby not only hold your friends firme unto you, ready upon all occasions to petition what you would have them, or to doe any thing you shall require them, but you shall be sure to hold them for ever devided from your adversaries, in all things, they shall not regard any thing, though never so just or good, if they see they have but a finger therein, nay if you work wisely, you need not dispaire of dividing your most powerfull adversaries amongst themselvs, doubts & jelousies being of great force:

And you know it is an undoubted truth, a house divided within it selfe cannot stand.

This is Machivels way; and this hath been Mr. Edwards his way; and in this way hee goeth on, but the way of God have they not knowne, or rather have they not despised the way of the Lord.

This is the Poyson by which he hath envenomed the hearts and understandings of thousands (in themselves) honest, religious people, too too easily misse-led, for want of knowledge or consideration of these Machivelian courses; men that being sinceare in their owne intentions, are easily deluded by the least pretence of zeal and godlinesse.

And however his heart may be hardned that he will not regard any thing, that hath been written unto him; you that have been deceived by him, are not so farre gone but you may yet recover, & become untainted, with the least savour of his spirit, and in time abominate his waies:

But surely then you must consider things more seriously then hitherto you have done, you must suspect your owne waies, and compare them once more with the waies of God, commended to you in his holy Word; That is the only Antidote that is able to expell the Poyson you have taken, or shall be offered in his next book; you know the word of God is mighty to the casting down of strong holds, & to bring into subjection all Machivelian Imaginations.

I shall therefore pray you in reading his next book which (it is to be feared) is reserved for an accursed purpose, and to second some worke of Darknesse; that you will with open eyes see how farre, and how plausible Machivel may go with colours of religion transforming himselfe into an Angell of light.

Also that you will not hastily give credit to any thing spoken by him a professed adversary, lest in so doing, you become guilty of bearing false witnesse against your neighbour.

That you will consider and marke those that cause divisions and offences, contrary to the doctrine which ye have learned, and avoid them: Rom. 16.17.

That you will mind a speciall part of that doctrine to be expressed in the fourteenth Chapter thorow-out, and the beginning of the fifteenth, which I entreat you to reade without prejudice or preoccupation of judgment; and then I cannot doubt, but liberty of conscience will appeare more just in your eyes, then it hath done, and confesse that your selves cannot live without it.

That you will lay to heart how dangerous it may prove to the Common wealth, and to the cause you have hitherto joyntly maintained, (God prospering you in so doing) if by any policies you should stand divided from those your brethren of other judgments; beleeve it, the hand of Joab is in all your divisions, what-ever you see or judge, your common enemy, is the fomenter of them; and under what notion or colours soever they appeare, they are a common enemie to you both, that labour to divide you, and in the end, you will find it to be so to your cost, if not to your ruine.

An ancient Philosopher (somewhat to this purpose) hath a fable, That the Wolves being at long and deadly war with the sheep, and not prevailing by force; but contrary to their expectation almost vanquished: Resolved to try what they could doe by policie, and thereupon desired a treaty, which the sheep simply and easily granted: The principall thing in the treaty, which the Wolves insisted on, was, that the sheepe would but discharge & send away their dogs, and then there would be no cause of warre at all, but they should live quietly one by another, urging withall, that the dogs were of a quarrelsome disposition, had been the beginners and continuers of the war, that they were of a different nature & temper from the sheep, maintain’d the war only for their own ends, and in probability were like enough to make a prey of the sheep themselves, and the like; if they would discharge them, they would give them what security themselves would desire, for assurance of their peaceable neighbourhood. The poor sheep soon weary of the charge and trouble of war, yeelded thereunto, and discharged their dogges, their strongest help, (whereby they had not only preserved themselves, but by many battels and maine force had even quite vanquished the Wolves) wch was no sooner done, but the Wolves in short time muster up their force, (the dogs being out of call) and when the sheep least suspected, fell upon them and destroyed them utterly.

I conceive this could never have been effected, but that the Wolves had conveyed some of themselves into sheepes cloathing, who by flattering and dissembling cariage, got themselves into credit with the sheepe, and so perswaded to this goodly treaty, and wrought them to those destructive conditions.

And (if well considered) this fable (though dogs and Christians hold no fit comparison) may demonstrate, that whosoever doth, or shall endevour to perswade the godly and honest Presbyters to abandon, discourage or molest their faithfull, helpfull, valiant and assured friends of other judgements (whom Mr. Edwards would have to be used worse then dogs) they are at best, but Wolves, or Wolves friends, and seek the destruction of all honest people, of what judgement soever.

And whether Master Edwards do expresly ayme at so horrid an issue, or not; for certaine, his workes and endevours do mainly tend thereunto, and will help on the wicked purposes of any that intend the destruction of the sheepe.

But, blessed be God, we are not as sheepe without a shepherd, wee have had, and still have faithfull & resolved shepherds set over us by providence, in a most just and orderly way, a Parliament (the terror of the wicked, and comfort of the just) that for these 5 years and upwards, have been a strong Tower of defence to the sheep of the Lords Pasture, to all the godly party in the Land: and though many of our froward and weak sheepe have many times been tampring & harkening after offers and conditions as dangerous to the whole flocke, as the discharging of that strength, the Wolves most feared; yet hath the wisdom of those our faithfull Shepherds hitherto prevented the same; and according to the true rules of wisdom have made most use of those whom the Wolves most feared.

And we trust the same God that endowed them with such a new modelising wisdome, as hath been successefull to the astonishment both of their friends and enemies, will still guide and direct them, when the policies of the enemies, are most busie and strongly working; and when the weaknesse and frowardnesse of their friends are most troublesome & importunate for destructive things, yea though some should be wrought upon so farre, as to shew a wearisomnesse of these their Shepherds; the same God will then we doubt not, shew his mighty power and wisdome in them, and thereby preserve this whole Nation, from a most dangerous Relaps, which otherwise were to be feared:

The whole flock is their charge, God hath made them Overseers of the whole, and to our joy and comfort they have hitherto shewed, a greater care to preserve the whole People, then to please any part of them; in unreasonable things: and in so doing they have been (and cannot but be) blessed and prosperous:

And notwithstanding Mr. Edwards his venomous poyson, blowne abroad by his unhappy quill, to blast and destroy the repute of honest, religious, and faithfull men, yet (the tree being knowne by his fruite) the Parliaments wisdome expelleth his poyson and sheweth no disrespect to any honest religious person, and every juditious man followeth their worthy example therein: and when you that are weak and have been misled, and tainted with his poyson, shall consider it, your judgments I trust will be rectified, and strengthened so sufficiently, that you will no longer judge of men according to his malitious accusations, but according to their workes and what you see them doe:

Which if you doe, wee shall have done with his poysonous, and scandalous bookes, which serve for nothing but to deceive and destroy the people; great quietnesse will follow thereupon, and you will soone finde a nearer way to a finall end of your troubles, then the wrangling way he hath proposed, for if once you were united you would have no enemies; your warre would be at an end; your peace would be sure, and all the people safe and happy;

Which is my only ayme in this work and my most earnest desire:

A GRAINE MORE, And no more.

Observing by some passages and occurrences of late, that all the labour bestowed towards the conversion and reducing of Master Edwards into a truly, charitable, and Christian disposition, hath proved no other, then as the washing of a Blackamoore; and thereupon, daily expecting a poysonous issue from his infectious braine. To prevent the mischiefe that might ensue: I prepared this little Antidote, intending to have had it in such a readinesse, as that it should have met his poyson in the instant he first spread it, wherein I did my part, but the Printers mistake hindred it.

Those therefore that have read his new Gangrenous and scandalous book, and doe find themselves any whit tainted with the poyson thereof, and have slept upon it: My friendly advise is, that they take double the quantity of this Antidote: that they reade this little Treatise twise over, and consider every part of it seriously and deliberately, and if they are any thing farre gone, and in danger: then it will be necessary they adde thereunto a good quantity more of true Christian love, it will be somewhat hard to find, there being abundance every where of that which is counterfeit, the best of which will do more hurt then good; and therefore it will be needfull you get the help of some that by experience can distinguish the true from the false, and such a one I can assure you is also very hard to find: but without it there is no hope, and with it there is infallible certainty of recovery.

If there were not much false and counterfeit love abroad, this wretched man with all his cursed diligence could never have been furnished with matter to have sweld his poysonous bulck to so vast a greatnesse.

And truly had those whoever they are that gave those malicious informations concerning me, as he reciteth them if they had had, but one scruple of true Christian love in them they never had administered to his (so unmanly) occasion.

I blesse God, I have through diligent seeking found this pretious liquor, and have enough to spare upon those his unadvised intelligencers, and through the power thereof can freely forgive their evill intentions, which my conscience assures me, I never deserved from any, I ever conversed withall, or that ever knew me.

As for himselfe, if passion and fore-judging did not blind mens understandings, and that most men are transported with flashy fancies, and are unapt to consider things judiciously, it would evidently appeare, that he hath not in any measure answered, either my Whisper or the Word more, both which wil live in despite of his utmost venome, and wil conceme him, and all such deceivers as he is, being there set forth in their truest colours, nor is his neglect of them, any other but a device to keep mens eyes off from reading or regarding them, wherein he hath indeed dealt very pollitiquely, and like one fully possest with a true Machivillian spirit, which more evidently appeareth in laying his charge upon me in such subjects, as wherein he knoweth the presses in these times are not admitted the lest measure of freedome, & if I should insist upon the mistakes, & nullities in the charge, I should be inforc’d to use the names of some persons, I much esteeme for that publique affection I have seen in them, and for the un-interupted friendship I have had with them, which is no waies sutable to my spirit: insomuch as I am yet unresolved what course to take, besides, since it concernes only my particuler, and that of necessity it will occasion a bulk in print beyond my temper, the world being also opprest with books of particuler contest, I beleeve I shall incline to forbeare, though I am not certaine.

As for those who know me, or throughly know him, with al those I shal remain unprejudiced in my repute, though he should have spet al his venome at once, and as for those that neither know him nor me, I shal (and I think may) safely trust my credit to the operation of my Antidote, & to the most powerful addition of true Christian love, wch (were there need in this cause) would cover abundance of evill: love is the balsome which in my Whisper I really commended to his use, but either he will not use it, or takes not that paynes to rub it in which I advised, but though I have cast my pearle amisse, and have sped accordingly; that shall not hinder or abate my esteem of so pretious a Jewell, it is the delight of life, and the joy of Heaven, and whilst I live I trust I shall live in love, and when I dye, that I shall dye in this love, and Rise and remain Eternally in love, that is in God (for God is love) in whose presence there is fulnesse of joy; at whose wright hand there are pleasures for evermore; and full amends for all reproches.

TRue bred Englishmen, that have a life to lay down, for the defence of your just Liberties and Freedomes, (for to such alone I direct my speech) against all incroachers, destroyers, and usurpers thereof, (be they what they will be) I desire to let you understand, that I your Countryman amongst many others, have imbarqued all that I have in this world, in this one vessell, cal’d the good Ship of good Hope, sayling in the troublesome Seas of England, bound for the long desired Port, called the safe injoyment of Englands liberties and freedomes, the direct roade tending thereunto, is the path of Iustice, without the sayling in which roade, it is forever impossible to arive there; And therefore fearing my Venture should lately miscarry, I tooke upon me the bouldnesse to write an Epistle to Judge Reeve, one of Englands Pilots, which hath occasioned a desperate Storm to arise against me in particular, though there be nothing but wholsome and sound advice therein contained.

And perceiving by my late being with the Judge, that it was not well taken, nor likely to provide for my safety, against Col. Edward King, one of Englands rotten members, and branches, fit for nothing but to be cut off, out of Englands pleasant and fruitfull Vineyard I thereupon writ further instructions to my Atturney, to draw up my Plea, which thus followeth.

To his faithfull and much respected friend and Attorney, Mr. Goorge Ingram, at his Chamber in Cliffords Inne, these.

Being moved out of mature consideration, to give him these instructions, because, (as I told him) if I should plead in a formall way to the Plea, guilty, or not guilty, I should thereby be the beginner of a dangerous president of destructive consequence to the wholl Kingdome, because that if a man intrusted, did turn traytor, and a company of honest men did endeavour, according to their duty, and to avoid the grievous sinne of perjury, did endeavour to bring him to condigne punishment for his treason, & for that end, referred Artickles of high treason in Parliament against him, with their names to them, and they, by reason of many publicke businesses, by reason of the warres in, & distractions of the Kingdome, cannot conveniently, for halfe a yeare, a yeare or more, try and adjudge the busines, the traytor or accused person, being a crafty fellow, full of ill gotten money, and corrupt Alies, and because that his tryall is delayed, he picks quarrels against his just prosecuters, and arests them in actions of 2. or 3000l. at the Common Law, for calling him (as really he is) traytor, and tosseth and tumbleth them, yea and it may be, by an unjust Puntillo in Law, brings them unto unavoidable ruine, by Common Law, which principally is inherent in the oracles of erring Iudges breasts, who it may be, two houres before he passeth sentence, is not resolved what to decree for Law, and so by this meanes every honest man that complaines of a knave or traytor in the Parliament, or is a party interested, in making good the charge against him, may by such wayes and meanes (by reason of delay in iudgement, which is not his fault) be brought by his cunning adversary into the Common Law Bryers, as I am by King, who ought by Law to be in Prison fast by the heeles) and so all honest men forever discouraged in such a cause, to complain of such transgressours, let them act treason against the State universall and representative, and do what they will; and this is just my case with Col. Ed. King, as by my printed letter to Iudge Reeve, I have truly & clearly declared.

But by my foresaid instructions sent to my attorney, I gave him authority (if he pleased) to shew them to the iudge, which for ought I know to the contrary he did, which it may be may occasion a complaint from him, or some others against me to the Lords, for immediately upon it, I am summoned before them, their warrant thus followeth.

Die Mercurij 10. June, 1646.

IT is this day ordered by the Lords in Parliament assembled, that Liev. Col. Lilburn, shall forthwith upon sight hereof, appeare before the Lords in Parliament, to answer such things as he stands charged with before their Lordships, concerning a Pamphlet, intittuled, the Just mans justification, or a Letter by way of Plea in Barr. And hereof he shall not faile, as he will answer the contrary at his perill.

Ioh. Brown. Cler. Parl.

To the gentleman Usher attending this House, or his Deputy.

The Officer comming Iune 11th. last past to my House, about 6. of the Clock in the morning, cal’d me out of my Bed, and after I had read his warrant, I told him that if there were not a tye of respect laid upon me to the Lords, for their faire and courteous dealing with me about my busines, that was lately depending before them, I would not in the present case, obey their warrant, nor twenty more of the like nature, but would defend my selfe in my own house (which is my Castle) against all that in such cases they should send unto me, to the death, because they have by the Law, no authority at all to mak me dance attendance upon them, in the present case, or to try me a Commoner, in any Criminall cause whatsoever, either for Life, Limb, liberty or estate, which I told him was the case now in and, for his own warrants did sumon me to appeare to answer a charge then before their Lordships, and this I wished him to tell them must be my plea at their Barre at which, having promised him to appeare, he departed, so sitting my selfe in the best manner the present In-comes of God inabled me for the brunt.

I tooke my Journey towards Westminster, and in the streets meditating, desired God according to his wonted manner to direct me, I presently had contrived in my own brain, without any humane help in the world, a Protestation and appeal, my heart being set up so high to go on with it, although it should be present death unto me, so I took sanctuary at a friends lodging to compile it in a method, which being done I transcribed it faire with my owne hand, and then set my hand and seale unto it, and being loth to run so high a contest with the House of Peers if by any meanes possible I could avoid it.

I repaired to a Lord a member of that House, and told him my whole heart in my intentions, shewed him my paper, and read part of it to him, and desired him to fill some more of the Lords of it, if he judged it convenient, that so they might a little better consider of it before they brought me to their Barre, and forced me to doe that that would tend to their extaordrnary dishonour, or my ruine and distruction, and doe it I both must and would by Gods assistance (I told him) if they called me to their Barre, telling him I judged it as base an action in me (both in the sight of God and man) to betray my knowne and fundamentall liberties, as with my owne hands to cut my owne throat, protesting unto him, that if he and the rest of the Lords indevoured to destroy Magna Charta and to tread, it under their feet, as they would doe if they medled with me in this case, I would draw my sword against them every man as freely as I would doe against the King, and the desperatest Cavalier with him, with much more that then I told him he departed to the House, and I imediatly by water followed him, and what he did in it I doe not fully know, but I was not called in till about one a clock:

And being commanded to their Barr, the Earl of Manchester (their Speaker) commanded Master Smith to show me my printed Epistle to Iudge Reeves, and asked me (to this effect) if I know that booke, and whether I did not leave (or cause to be left) one of them at Iudge Reeves house for the Iudge himselfe.

Unto which I replyed, my Lord, if it may stand with the pleasure of this House, I desire to know whether or no you have any formall or legall charge against me in writing, if they had I desired to see it? that so I might read it, and then I would give them an answer to their question

Whereupon after a little pawze and looking one upon another, the Earle of Stamford stept up and with much zeale pressed his Lordship to hould me to the question, (so saith the Earle of Manchester) answer to the question.

My Lord (said I) under favour, I conceive the thing I desire of your Lordship, is very just and rationall (& so it is if you consider their owne summons which expresly commands me to appeare before them to answere a charge) but if nothing will serve your turne but a possitive answere to the question, then my Lord there is an answere in writing under my hand and seale, which I will justifie and maintaine to the death, I beseech you it may be read;

And with this I gave my paper to Master Smith their Cleark then at their Barre: Whereupon the Earle of Lincolne stept up and said to the Speaker, my Lord what have wee to doe with his paper? command him to answer to the question.

Lieutenant Colonell Lilburne (saith the Earle of Manchester) the Lords command you to answer positively to the question, unto which I replyed my Lord, in that paper in Master Smiths hand is my answer to the question, and to all others whatsoever that you shall ask me, and no other answer I have to give you, neither shall I, and if that will satisfy you well and good, if not, seeke it where you can have it, for I for my part shall give you no other, where upon I was commanded to withdraw.

And one of the Lords commanded the Cleark to give me my paper, (for saith be, what shall wee doe with it) but I refused to take it, and tould them, I would not medle nor make with it, there it was, and it was enough to me, that I had delivered it at their open Barre, do what you will with it, for my Lords, I am as carelesse as you are, whether you will read it or no, so the Cleark threw it after me, but I would not medle with it, but withdrew, the words of which thus followeth.

The Protestation, Plea, and Defence of Lievtenant Colonell IOHN LILBVRNE.

Given to the Lords at their Barre, thursday Iune 11th. 1646. with his Appeall to his competent, propper, and legall tryers and Judges, the Commons of ENGLAND, assembled in PARLIAMENT.

And being not long without, the Gentleman vsher came civelly to me, and told me I must put off my sword and give it to some of my friends, for I must go a prisoner to Newgate, so desiring to see my Commitment, and to have a coppy of it before I stird to go, I had it accordingly, which thus followeth.

Die Iovis 11 Iune 1646.

IT is this day Ordered by the Lords in Parliament assembled, that Lievtenant Colonell Iohn Lilburne shall stand committed to the Prison of Newgate, for exhibiting to this house a scandalous and contemptuous Paper, it being delivered by himselfe at the Barre this day, & that the Keeper of the said Prison shall keepe him in safely, untill the pleasure of this House be further signified, and this to be a sufficient Warrant in that behalfe.

Ioh. Brown Cler. Parl.

To the right Honourable the chosen and Representative body of England Assembled in Parliament.